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Strong,  J.  Selden 

The  essential  Calvinism 


THE  ESSENTIAL  CALVINISM 


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ESSENTIAL  CALVINISM 


BY 


Rev.  J.  SELDEN  STRONG 


THE  PILGRIM  PRESS 


14  Beacon  Street 
BOSTON 


175  Wabash  Ave. 
CHICAGO 


Copyright,  igog, 
by 

J.  Selden  Strong. 


The    Arakelyam    Press,    Boston,    Mass. 


XIo  tbe  memory  of 

REVEREND    DAVID    ALMERIN    STRONG 

THIS   BOOK    IS    LOVINGLY    DEDICATED 

BY    HIS   SON 


PREFACE 

It  was  the  great  good  fortune  of  the  author  of 
this  book  tO'  hear  a  very  able  lecture  delivered  by 
Dr.  Abraham  Kuyper  of  Holland  while  he  was 
making  a  tour  of  America  in  1898.  This  lecture 
treated  of  the  political  aspect  of  Calvinism,  and 
called  attention  to  the  service  which  it  had  ren- 
dered to  modern  society  in  setting  forth  a  govern- 
mental philosophy  based  on  the  conception  of  a 
personal,  sovereign  God. 

The  suggestion  thus  afforded,  that  Calvinism 
was  something  more  than  a  system  of  theology, 
led  to  an  investigation  which  has  been  carried  on 
at  intervals  for  a  period  of  ten  years.  It  would 
seem  tO'  be  an  opportune  time  to  give  to  the  public 
the  results  of  this  investigation,  since  this  year  is 
the  four  hundreth  anniversary  of  the  reformer's 
birth,  and  attention  and  interest  are  directed  to- 
ward him  and  his  work  as  never  before. 

In  the  first  five  chapters  the  author  tells  what 
conclusions  he  has  come  to  regarding  the  real 
nature  of  Calvin's  contribution  to  modem  thought 
and  progress,  while  the  remaining  chapters  are 
given  to  a  treatment  of  the  present  and  future  de- 
velopment of  the  principles  of  Calvinism  and  the 
Reformation. 

J.  s.  s. 

August  14,  1909. 


CONTENTS 


I.     TraditionaIv      CaIvVinism     ...  3 

II.     Thk  CaIvVinism  01^  TH^  Institute:s  19 

III.  The  Theological  Sources  0^  the 

Institutes 37 

IV.  The  Personal  Equation    ...  67 
V.     Applied    Calvinism 79 

VI.     The    Calvinistic    Principle    01? 

Authority      .     .     .     .  iii 

VII.     The  Elements  o^  Theocracy    .  135 

VIII.     The  Dynamics  01^  Protestantism  157 


CHAPTER  I 
TRADITIONAL  CALVINISM 


CHAPTER  I 
TRADITIONAL  CALVINISM 

The  word  "Calvinism"  stands  in  the  popular 
mind  for  a  certain  scheme  of  doctrine,  rigid  in 
outline,  Puritanic  in  spirit,  dogmatic  in  state- 
ment. 

There  is  not  lacking  a  cause  for  this  impres- 
sion. In  the  doctrinal  history  of  the  Calvinistic 
churches  is  found  abundant  evidence  to  justify 
such  a  conclusion.  The  attempt  is  made  in 
creedal  form  to  reduce  the  whole  body  of  Chris- 
tian truth  into  hard-set  theological  formulas, 
definite,  exclusive.  Undue  emphasis  is  put  upon 
certain  phases  of  Biblical  teaching  with  the  result 
of  minimizing  some  very  important  facts.  An 
assumption  of  absolute  certainty  forbids  freedom 
in  belief  and  progress  in  thought ;  and  reacts  very 
disagreeably  upon  character  and  life.  Then,  too, 
many  of  the  followers  of  Calvin  exaggerated  the 
naturally  prominent  features  of  his  theology, 
thereby  throwing  the  system  out  of  balance,  and 
in  application  calling  attention  to  the  formal 
rather  than  the  vital  elements  of  the  Reformation. 
What  is  far  worse,  in  this  way  they  gave  the 
world  the  impression  that  Calvin  was  a  mere  dog- 
matist, though  a  very  masterful  one,  and  ob- 
scured the  fact  that  he  was  above  all  the  servant 
of  God  and  of  man,  who  exerted  upon  his  own 

[3] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

generation  a  transcendent  influence  in  behalf  of 
progress  and  reform. 

Owing  to  this  misplaced  emphasis  there  came 
in  later  times  to  the  churches  of  Genevan  origin 
an  inert,  lifeless  orthodoxy,  when  the  ideas  of 
love  and  liberty  were  lost  amid  the  fogs  of 
speculative  theology,  and  Christianity  was  con- 
sidered a  matter  of  correct  belief  rather  than  a 
way  to  live. 

How  very  one-sided  Christian  thought  had  be- 
come, one  may  easily  realize  by  referring  to  that 
extremely  condensed  statement  of  belief  known 
as  the  "Five  Points  of  Calvinism,"  which  became 
widely  current  and  was  received  as  conveying  an 
adequate  idea  of  Calvin's  important  teachings. 
That  this  statement  was  purely  a  negative  one, 
and  was  composed  merely  to  offset  the  five  points 
of  the  Arminian  Remonstrants  was  a  fact  ap- 
parently lost  sight  of,  or  else  unheeded  in  the 
earnestness  of  theological  partisanship. 

The  five  points  of  this  brief  creed  were,  by 
name.  Particular  Predestination;  Limited  Atone- 
ment; Natural  Inability;  Irresistible  Grace;  Per- 
severance of  the  Saints.  A  glance  will  show  that 
these  "points"  are  all  subjects  of  speculative 
theology  and  philosophy,  and  largely  outside  the 
field  of  practical  religion  and  morals. 

It  is  extremely  unfortunate  for  Calvinism  that 
such  an  easily  remembered  formula  was  ever 
given  to  the  world,  seeing  that  in  its  origin  it  was 
a  negation,  and  in  its  scope  limited  to  the  subjects 

[4] 


Traditional  Calvinism 

of  a  certain  theological  controversy.  Not  only 
did  it  present  a  very  limited  view  of  Calvinism, 
but  it  also  tended  to  perpetuate  its  peculiarities  in 
an  exaggerated  form  in  the  minds  of  those  who 
sympathized  with  the  Dutch  Calvinists  as  over 
against  the  Arminians. 

Moreover,  the  fact  that  to-day  the  Arminian 
statement  of  the  five  points  finds  general  accept- 
ance among  Protestant  churches,  apparently 
justifies  the  conclusion  that  Arminianism  was  an 
altogether  separate  movement  from  Calvinism, 
and  as  such,  took  the  field  successfully  against  it ; 
whereas  the  plain  truth  of  the  matter  is  that 
Arminianism  was  only  Calvinism  modified  in  cer- 
tain particulars  of  speculative  belief.  And  as 
historic  perspective  lengthens,  we  see  Calvinist 
and  Arminian  representing  the  same  great  cause, 
differing  from  one  another  for  awhile  over  the 
formal  statement  of  truth.  For  even  a  brief 
perusal  of  the  articles  of  the  Arminian  Remon- 
strants will  show  that  there  is  very  little  varia- 
tion therein  from  the  teachings  of  Calvin.  In- 
deed, it  is  a  question  if  Arminius  does  not  more 
truly  represent  Calvin  than  does  Gomarus,  for 
while  Arminius  may  modify  some  of  Calvin's 
positions,  Gomarus  throws  Calvinism  out  of  bal- 
ance by  emphasizing  a  tendency  towards 
fatalism. 

Far  more  representative  of  traditional  Calvin- 
ism than  the  "Five  Points,"  is  the  Confession  of 
the  Westminster  Assembly.      This  is  an  orderly 

[5] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

and  well-proportioned  statement  of  belief  and 
the  most  complete  and  authoritative  represen- 
tation of  Calvinistic  theology  outside  of  the 
* 'Institutes."  This  document  furnishes  the  tradi- 
tional Calvinism  of  the  Presbyterians  of  Scot- 
land, the  Puritans  of  England  and  the  early 
churches  of  New  England.  Its  influence  on 
thought  and  life  within  these  limits  has  been 
wonderful.  It  took  new  form  in  sermons  and 
creeds,  in  religious  conversation,  in  theological 
teaching,  in  home  instruction,  even  to  a  large 
extent  in  law  and  statute.  In  the  thinking  of  the 
older  men  of  the  present  day  it  is  still  a  force  to 
be  reckoned  with.  And  very  often  when  men 
recast  their  religious  thought  and  reject  the  old 
formula  they  take  traditional  Calvinism  as  a 
point  of  departure,  a  measure  of  comparison. 

But  the  Westminster  Confession  is  not  pure 
Calvinism.  It  represents  a  development.  The 
men  who  composed  it  were  of  a  later  generation 
and  of  a  different  race  from  Calvin  and  were  not, 
even  then,  always  in  agreement  among  them- 
selves. It  is  worthy  of  note  in  this  regard  that 
the  Five  Points  of  the  Dutch  Calvinists  form  an 
integral  part  of  the  Westminster  Confession,  and 
are  all  treated  more  or  less  extensively  by  the 
authors. 

Particular    Predestination  is  carefully   treated 

in  Chapter  III,  "Of  God's  Eternal  Decree."    God 

from  all  eternity  decreed  whatsoever  comes  to 

pass,  though  not  so  as  to  be  the  author  of  sin. 

[6] 


Traditional  Calvinism 

Some  are  ordained  to  everlasting  life  and  some  to 
everlasting  death  to  the  praise  of  God's  grace  and 
the  praise  of  his  justice,  —  the  number  is  certain 
and  definite. 

The  doctrine  of  Limited  Atonement  is 
presented  under  other  names  but  comes  by  very 
certain  implications.  In  Chapter  VIII,  "Of 
Christ  the  Mediator,"  we  read  that  Christ  pur- 
chased an  everlasting  inheritance  for  himself  and 
all  that  the  Father  had  given  him.  In  Chapter  X, 
"Of  Effectual  Calling,"  we  find  the  statement 
that  while  all  are  called  by  the  ministry  of  the 
Word  only  those  effectually  called,  the  elect  of 
God,  are  saved ;  others  never  truly  come  to  Christ 
and  cannot  he  saved. 

Natural  Inability  finds  treatment  in  Chapter 
IX,  "Of  Free  Will,"  where  we  are  told  that  by 
the  Fall  man  lost  all  ability  of  will  to  any  spiritual 
good  accompanying  salvation.  Chapter  XVI, 
"Of  Good  Works,"  carries  the  thought  still  fur- 
ther by  saying  that  works  done  by  unregenerate 
men,  though  in  accordance  with  the  commands  of 
God,  are  yet  sinful ;  even  the  effort  to  be  good  on 
the  part  of  one  of  the  non-elect  is  made  to  bear 
evidence  in  favor  of  inherent  and  complete  moral 
weakness. 

The  doctrine  of  Irresistible  Grace  we  do  not 
find  treated  specifically  under  that  name.  But 
something  of  nearly  the  same  moment  is 
presented  in  Chapter  X,  "Of  Effectual  Call- 
ing,"  where  it   is   stated  that  only  those  pre- 

[7] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

destined  to  salvation  are  effectually  called,  and 
that  man  is  altogether  passive  therein  till  quick- 
ened by  the  Holy  Spirit.  It  is  wholly  of  God's 
grace.  If  we  add  to  this  the  teaching  both  as 
to  the  Divine  Decree  and  as  to  Moral  Inability, 
we  easily  reach  the  conclusion  of  Irresistible 
Grace,  for  a  spiritually  impotent  man,  determined 
to  salvation  by  the  eternal  decree  of  God,  and 
effectually  called  thereto,  can  scarcely  be  thought 
of  as  capable  of  resisting  divine  grace  when 
bestowed. 

A  separate  though  brief  chapter  (XVII)  is 
given  to  the  subject  of  the  Perseverance  of  the 
Saints.  Here  it  is  stated  that  all  whom  God  has 
accepted  in  Christ  are  to  persevere  to  the  end  and 
be  saved.  This  perseverance  depends  on  the 
immutable  decree  of  election;  but  this  assurance 
of  final  grace  does  not  free  the  subject  from  tem- 
poral judgment  for  further  sins. 

Having,  then,  found  these  five  specific  doctrines 
expressed  in  the  Westminster  Confession,  the 
question  naturally  arises.  Are  they  more  than 
other  subjects  the  gist  of  traditional  Calvinism  as 
exemplified  in  this  standard  ? 

If  we  were  to  reckon  merely  from  the  impres- 
sion made  upon  the  popular  mind  perhaps  our 
question  would  have  a  ready  answer  in  the  affirm- 
ative, for  these  subjects  have  ever  been  the 
material  of  controversy,  and  so  the  more  effect- 
ively kept  before  the  mind.  But  in  actual  creed 
and  teachings  we  shall  find  it  otherwise.  The 
[8] 


Traditional  Calvinism 

"Five  Points"  do  not  figure  largely  in  the  West- 
minster Confession  as  a  system  of  doctrine.  They 
are  really,  except  perchance  the  doctrine  of  In- 
ability, only  derivatives  of  one  of  the  subjects 
treated  in  the  Confession,  and  that  not  the  main 
subject,  i.e.,  the  Divine  Decree.  The  heavier 
and  bulkier  parts  of  the  Confession  are  given  to 
entirely  different  subjects. 

In  the  general  plan  of  doctrine  in  this  Confes- 
sion the  first  and  foremost  thing  is  the  objective 
principle  of  the  Reformation,  the  authority  or 
infallibility  of  the  Scriptures.  This  is  the  start- 
ing-point; it  is  the  main  assumption  upon  which 
all  other  teachings  are  based  and  out  of  which 
they  attain  their  reality.  They  purport  to  derive 
their  origin  and  proof  from  the  Scriptures,  and 
the  rest  of  the  Confession  is  intended  merely  to  be 
a  setting  forth  of  that  truth  which  God  has  re- 
vealed through  prophet  and  Christ  as  there  re- 
corded. Particular  Predestination  and  its  his- 
toric partners  must  take  their  chances  with  other 
teachings  supposed  to  be  founded  upon  the 
Scriptures. 

The  first  thing  which  the  authors  of  the  West- 
minster Confession  seek  to  establish  on  the  wit- 
ness of  the  Scriptures  is  the  doctrine  of  the 
Trinity.  They  present  a  strictly  Athanasian 
teaching.  There  is  but  one  true  and  living  God 
who  is  the  foundation  of  all  being,  exercising  a 
"sovereign  dominion"  over  all  creation.  He 
exists  in  the  form  of  a  trinity  of  persons.  Father, 

[9] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

Son  and  Spirit,  of  the  same  substance,  and  equal 
in  power  and  glory. 

The  whole  teaching  in  regard  to  the  Divine 
Decree  which  follows  in  the  next  chapter  devolves 
upon  the  idea  of  "sovereign  dominion,''  and  is 
really  only  an  attempt  to  explain  the  method 
under  which  that  dominion  operates.  The  sup- 
posed importance  of  this  doctrine  as  being  the 
central  thought  of  Calvinism  finds  a  limitation  in 
the  chapter  upon  Providence,  where  God  is 
described  as  exercising  a  fatherly  discipline  upon 
men  as  his  children.  The  decree  is  after  all  a 
father's  decree,  however  much  men  may  overlook 
this  fact  in  the  heat  of  religious  controversy. 
Still  the  position  of  this  statement  in  the  Confes- 
sion and  its  relative  place  in  the  system  give  it  a 
prominent  place  among  the  leading  ideas  of 
Calvinism. 

Another  notable  feature  of  the  Westminster 
Confession,  and  so  of  traditional  Calvinism,  is  the 
federal  idea  of  the  atonement;  wherein  Adam 
acts  as  the  head  of  the  race,  and,  having  sinned, 
passes  on  his  guilt  to  his  posterity;  wherein  also 
Christ  acts  as  a  second  head  of  the  race  and  by 
his  perfect  righteousness  and  sacrifice  purchases 
redemption  for  the  elect ;  wherefore  God  pardons 
sin  and  imputes  to  the  sinner  the  righteousness 
of  Christ. 

The  Confession  also  sets  forth  at  length  the 
subjective  principle  of  the  Reformation,  of  which 
Luther  was  the  chief  exponent.  Justification  by 

[10] 


Traditional  Calvinism 

Faith.  This  doctrine  is  set  over  against  the 
Roman  idea  of  good  works,  which  are  here  re- 
garded as  of  no  avail,  since  no  good  works  are 
possible  without  the  help  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  The 
Confession  avoids  the  extreme  form  of  Luther's 
statement;  in  which  it  is  said  that  the  sinner  is 
justified  by  faith  alone,  and  makes  it  clear  that 
faith  is  simply  the  human  condition  for  the 
divine  bestowal  of  justification  and  that  true 
faith  must  necessarily  find  expression  in  good 
works. 

The  Westminster  Confession  also  gives  the 
Reformation  teaching  as  to  the  sacraments  of 
the  Church.  Of  the  seven  sacraments  of  the 
medieval  era  the  Reformers  suffer  but  two  tO'  re- 
main, baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  the 
objects  of  these  are  duly  set  forth  as  the  seal  of 
redemption  and  the  symbol  of  divine  communion. 
But  it  is  worthy  of  note,  that  with  however  much 
consistency  the  Reformed  creeds  limit  the  num- 
ber of  sacraments  to  two,  they  with  equal  con- 
sistency give  to  marriage  a  real  sacramental 
value,  in  that  while  it  is  regarded  as  a  civil  con- 
tract, it  is  based  on  the  law  of  God  and  has  not 
only  social  but  "religious  purposes." 

We  also  find  in  the  Confession  characteristic 
Calvinistic  teaching  as  to  the  strict  observance  of 
the  Sabbath  as  a  day  of  rest  and  worship; 
the  distinction  between  the  invisible  and  the 
visible  Church;  and  the  legalist  presentation  of 
the  last  judgment  wherein  God  is  a  Judge  who 

[II] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

renders  verdict  for  eternal  reward  or  punishment 
upon  all  men,  an  act  of  mercy  for  the  elect,  an 
act  of  justice  for  the  reprobate. 

There  is  one  point  as  to  which  the  West- 
minster Confession  fails  to  represent  the 
traditional  Calvinism  even  of  English-speaking 
people,  i.e.,  the  theocratic  idea  of  government; 
unless  the  simple  declaration  that  the  magistrate 
is  ordained  of  God  for  the  maintenance  of  order 
and  peace  may  be  construed  to  this  effect.  But 
such  a  mild  statement  can  hardly  be  made  to  fit 
the  thinking  of  such  men  as  Knox  and  Melville 
in  Scotland,  of  Cromwell  and  Milton  in  England, 
and  of  Winthrop  and  Davenport  in  New 
England.  With  these  men  the  idea  is  not  as  to 
magistrates  and  laws,  but  of  the  State  as  an 
entity,  administered  in  accordance  with  the  divine 
will,  and  its  citizens  dealt  with  not  simply  as  the 
citizens  of  the  nation  but  as  also  citizens  of  the 
divine  Kingdom.  The  theocratic  idea  may  as- 
sume many  forms,  and  it  is  sure  to  crop  out  in 
some  way  in  the  thinking  and  practise  of  Puritans 
and  their  descendants  and  find  application  in  the 
administration  of  affairs  of  State. 

Calvinism  found  expression  in  other  confes- 
sions than  that  of  the  Westminster  Assembly, 
though  never  so  exhaustively  or  authoritatively. 
A  statement  called  the  "First  Scotch  Confession" 
was  made  and  presented  to  the  Scotch  Parlia- 
ment in  1560  by  Knox  and  his  associates.  This 
was  a  strictly  Calvinistic  document.     The  the- 

[12] 


Traditional  Calvinism 

ology  of  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  of  the  Church 
of  England  is  substantially  Calvinistic,  though 
in  many  ways  it  is  out  of  harmony  with  the 
Westminster  Confession.  In  1658  delegates  from 
the  Congregational  churches  of  England  met 
at  the  Savoy  Palace  in  London  and  issued  a 
statement  of  faith,  which,  except  in  the  matter  of 
polity,  was  in  substantial  agreement  with  the 
Westminster  Confession.  The  Congregational- 
ists  of  New  England  in  their  turn  adopted  state- 
ments very  similar  to  the  Savoy  Declaration,  or 
else  asserted  their  agreement  with  the  West- 
minster Confession. 

On  the  Continent  traditional  Calvinism  took 
a  somewhat  different  course.  The  contest  be- 
tween the  two  factions  of  the  Dutch  Calvinistic 
churches  has  already  been  alluded  to.  Besides 
the  Five  Decrees  of  the  Synod  of  Dort  which 
registered  the  decision  of  that  assembly  against 
Arminius  and  his  followers,  approval  was  given 
to  a  statement  of  faith  known  as  the  "Belgic 
Confession."  This  confession  was  the  work  of 
Guido  de  Bres,  assisted  by  Adrien  de  Saravia, 
professor  of  theology  in  Leyden.  It  was  revised 
by  Francis  Junius  of  Bourges,  who  had  been  a 
student  under  Calvin,  and  was  printed  about 
1565.  This  confession  is  considered  by  some 
to  be  the  best  creedal  statement  of  Calvinism 
next  to  the  Westminster  Confession.  It  was  ap- 
proved by  all  the  synods  of  the  Dutch  churches 
and  became  their  accepted  statement  of  faith. 

[13] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

But  this  confession  seems  to  follow  an  earlier 
one,  or  at  least  is  very  like  it  in  doctrine  and  out- 
line, —  the  Gallican  Confession,  adopted  as  the 
symbol  of  their  faith  by  the  French  Protestants 
in  their  first  synod  at  Paris  in  1559.  The  first 
draft  of  this  confession  was  made  by  Calvin  him- 
self. It  was  slightly  modified  or  revised  by  the 
synod  and  in  that  form  became  the  doctrinal 
formula  of  the  Huguenots.  It  would  scarcely 
serve  our  purpose  to  outline  these  creeds.  It 
may  be  sufficient  to  state  that  they  are  more 
directly  in  accord  with  Calvin's  teaching  in  the 
"Institutes'*  than  are  the  Scotch  and  English 
Confessions,  and  follow  nearly  the  same  order  of 
thought  and  have  the  same  choice  of  subjects. 
And  as  compared  with  the  Westminster  Confes- 
sion, while  they  deal  largely  with  the  same  sub- 
jects, they  lack  that  force  of  emphasis  on  certain 
doctrines  and  that  careful  logical  arrangement 
which  are  so  characteristic  of  the  English  Con- 
fession. 

We  may  restate  our  conclusions  in  brief. 
Traditional  Calvinism  gives  us  as  its  first  prin- 
ciple the  doctrine  of  the  infallibility  of  the 
Scriptures.  It  then  presents  us  with  the  idea 
of  an  absolutely  sovereign  God  who  exists  in  the 
form  of  a  trinity  of  persons.  It  presents  man  as 
morally  incapable  and  unworthy  of  divine  favor 
on  account  of  innate  and  inherited  depravity ;  but 
by  divine  and  gracious  decree  through  Christ's 
sacrifice  and  atonement  for  sin  on  the  divine 

[14] 


Traditional  Calvinism 

side,  and  the  possession  of  justifying  faith 
on  the  human  side,  a  certain  number  of  the  race, 
called  the  elect,  are  saved  from  death  at  the  last 
judgment. 

The  will  of  God  projects  itself  into  human 
society,  creating  the  religious  order  called  the 
Church,  recognized  as  such  by  the  possession  and 
proclamation  of  gospel  truth,  the  redeemed  life 
of  its  members,  the  observance  of  the  sacraments 
of  baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper  and  the  keep- 
ing of  the  Sabbath  —  and  being  invisible  the 
whole  company  of  the  elect  of  every  race  and  age ; 
creating  also  the  social  order  called  the  State, 
which  is  an  organization  for  the  maintenance  of 
peace  and  order,  and  for  the  carrying  out  of 
God's  plan  in  the  developing  history  of  the  world. 


[15] 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  CALVINISM  OF  THE 
INSTITUTES 


CHAPTER  II 
THE  CALVINISM  OF  THE  INSTITUTES 

To  one  familiar  only  with  the  formulas  of 
traditional  Calvinism,  the  reading  of  the  ''In- 
stitutes of  the  Christian  Religion"  brings  a  great 
surprise.  There  is  an  absence  of  that  concise- 
ness of  dogma  and  that  sureness  of  statement 
which  we  naturally  associate  with  Calvinism.  In- 
stead there  is  a  breadth  of  thought,  a  fulness  of 
treatment,  a  judicial  dealing  with  every  case 
which  takes  into  account  the  reasoning  powers  of 
the  reader,  with  the  purpose  of  helping  him 
think  instead  of  furnishing  the  thought  formu- 
lated and  ready  to  be  fitted  into  the  mind.  It 
would  be  difficult  to  find  a  single  subject,  even  an 
insignificant  one,  in  the  two  large  volumes,  which 
the  author  does  not  submit  to  reason,  and  for 
which  he  does  not  make  an  appeal  to  authorities 
in  the  Scriptures  and  among  the  Church  Fathers. 

Then,  too,  for  all  its  antiquity,  the  Institutes 
is  a  very  readable  work.  The  style  is  lucid,  the 
language  pure,  the  use  of  words  certain,  the  prog- 
ress of  thought  is  ever  toward  a  definite  end, 
and  there  is  a  wonderful  freedom  from  circum- 
locution and  meaningless  phrases.  It  is  quite 
free  also  from  technical  terms,  and  capable  of  be- 
ing easily  understood  and  appreciated  by  a  mind 

[19] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

of  ordinary  training  and  education.  Indeed,  one 
comes  certainly  to  a  conclusion  that  is  utterly  at 
variance  with  the  tradition  of  a  dogmatic  Calvin, 
— that  the  book  was  written,  not  to  be  a  final 
statement  of  theology,  but  simply  to  serve  as  an 
introduction  to  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  and 
as  an  aid  to  the  interpretation  of  them. 

That  this  conclusion  is  not  amiss  is  confirmed 
by  the  words  of  Calvin  himself  in  the  preface  to 
the  edition  of  1559:  "My  design  in  this  work 
has  been  to  prepare  and  qualify  students  oi 
theology  for  the  reading  oi  the  divine  Word,  that 
they  may  have  an  easy  introduction  to  it  and  be 
enabled  to  proceed  in  it  without  any  obstruction.*' 
This  characterization  of  the  Institutes  by  the 
author  himself,  the  fair-minded  modern  reader 
will  not  wish  to  controvert.  However  much  he 
may  differ  from  Calvin  in  his  thinking  on  certain 
subjects,  he  must  allow  the  wonderful  clearness 
and  simplicity  of  Calvin's  theological  statements. 

The  plan  of  the  work  is  simple.  Adopting  the 
Apostles'  Creed  as  a  fundamental,  four  divisions 
are  made,  God  the  Father;  Jesus  the  Son;  the 
Holy  Spirit;  the  Holy  Catholic  Church. 

Some  insertions  have  to  be  made  among  the 
subjects  mentioned  in  the  creed.  In  the  first 
book,  about  God  the  Father,  is  brought  in  the 
subject  of  the  authority  of  the  Scriptures.  The 
second  book  has  as  an  introduction  tO'  the  media- 
torial work  of  Christ,  a  treatment  of  that  moral 
degradation  of  man  which  made  mediation  neces- 

[20] 


The  Calvinism  of  the  Institutes 

sary.  The  words,  "I  believe  in  the  Holy  Ghost," 
are  elaborated  to  include  the  whole  experience  of 
the  Christian  life,  faith,  repentance,  justification, 
works.  Christian  liberty,  prayer,  predestination 
and  the  future  life.  The  Holy  Catholic  Church 
finds  a  like  fulness  of  treatment,  including  after 
a  setting  forth  of  the  nature  of  the  true  Church,  a 
sketch  of  the  development  of  the  Christian 
Church  from  the  apostolic  tinues  down,  and  state- 
ments regarding  councils,  church  discipline,  vows 
and  sacraments.  The  work  ends  with  a  chapter 
on  civil  government. 

It  will  easily  be  seen  from  this  outline  that  the 
Institutes  are  meant  tot  include  the  whole  field 
of  Christian  teaching,  meaning  by  this  all  the 
subjects  of  Scriptural  doctrine,  of  developing 
theology  and  church  history.  They  take  up  in 
print  over  thirteen  hundred  pages.  It  is  very 
obvious  that  the  "Five  Points  of  Calvinism"  do 
not  even  in  a  condensed  form  represent  this 
great  body  of  teaching.  In  fact,  two  of  them. 
Limited  Atonement  and  Irresistible  Grace  are 
not  found  in  the  Institutes  at  all,  though  doubt- 
less many  would  claim  them  to  be  logical  infer- 
ences from  statements  actually  made.  A  third, 
the  Perseverance  of  the  Saints,  finds  but  a  brief 
treatment.  It  is  simply  stated  in  a  few  lines 
that  the  elect  are  "beyond  all  danger  of  falling 
away  because  the  intercession  of  the  Son  of  God 
for  their  perseverance  in  piety  has  not  been  re- 
jected."      But  the  subject  he  is  treating  bears  a 

[21] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

different  name  and  assumes  another  point  of 
view.  It  is  the  confirmation  of  election  which 
comes  by  the  effectual  calling  of  God ;  in  this  ex- 
perience the  Spirit  confirms  and  seals  in  the  heart 
of  the  believer  the  certainty  of  his  eternal  sal- 
vation. The  later  invented  phrase  scarcely  de- 
scribes what  Calvin  had  in  mind. ' 

The  subjects  of  the  other  two  articles  are  quite 
fully  treated.  But  the  statement  of  Particular 
Predestination  reads  very  differently,  taken  in  its 
proper  place  in  the  Institutes,  than  when  it  stands 
by  itself  alone  and  briefly  and  tersely  expressed. 
In  the  latter  case  it  gives  an  impression  of  fatal- 
ism. In  the  former  it  is  merely  the  theologian's 
working  out  of  the  idea  of  sovereign  dominion 
on  the  part  of  God,  and  the  purpose  of  it  is  to 
picture  God  as  acting  and  planning  with  a  perfect 
wisdom  and  justice  for  each  particular  human 
being  that  has  come  and  is  to  come  into  the  world, 
and  all  this  for  the  higher  ends  of  creation.  This 
presentation  of  the  doctrine  of  predestination  has 
its  kindly  side;  it  pictures  God  as  in  kindness 
rescuing  many  of  the  race  from  the  consequences 
of  their  own  sinfulness.  And  it  is  not  this  doc- 
trine but  another  that  in  the  last  analysis  arouses 
the  repugnance  of  the  present  generation  and 
gives  to  the  doctrine  of  the  eternal  decree  its 
viciousness,  i.e.,  the  third  of  the  Five  Points, 
Natural  Inability.  The  idea  of  punishment  for 
evil-doing  is  not  repugnant  to  the  normal  human 

*See  Book  III,  Ch.  XXIV. 
[22] 


The  Cahinisni  of  the  Institutes 

mind;  but  punishment  for  evil-doing  in  a  being 
who  has  no  abiHty  to  do  anything  else  is  utterly 
repellent  to  man's  reason  and  sense  of  justice.  It 
is  here  that  we  find  the  real  weakness  of  Calvin's 
theological  system;  the  assertion  of  responsibility 
in  a  subject  who  has  no  power  to  meet  respon- 
sibility is  a  complete  moral  contradiction.  It 
takes  away  the  very  foundation  of  ethics.  It  is 
even  a  temptation  to  believe  in  an  immoral  God 
who  makes  laws  for  his  creatures  that  they  can- 
not obey,  and  at  the  same  time  transcends  those 
laws  himself  for  his  own  purposes. 

However,  this  does  not  appear  on  the  surface 
of  things  as  a  glaring  inconsistency.  Calvin 
makes  out  quite  a  case  in  favor  of  this  doctrine. 
The  Bible  is  effectively  brought  into  requisition, 
especially  the  writings  of  Paul.  The  Church 
Fathers  are  made  to  give  their  contribu- 
tion of  opinion  and  evidence,  while  Luther  and 
nearly  all  the  theologians  of  the  Reformation  up- 
hold the  doctrine  in  opposition  to  the  Roman 
doctrine  of  good  works.  It  is  not  in  any  way 
peculiar  to  Calvin,  but  was  common  to  the  Prot- 
estant thought  of  his  time. 

It  seems  just  to  say,  then,  that  the  Five  Points, 
made  so  much  of  in  a  later  time,  do  not  give  a 
correct  idea  of  the  theological  teaching  of  Calvin, 
but  rather  are  very  misleading,  giving  as  they  do 
a  very  different  emphasis  upon  the  doctrines 
enunciated  and  at  the  same  time  leaving  out 
others  of  more  or  equal  importance. 

[23] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

A  comparisoii  of  the  teaching  of  the  Institutes 
with  the  Westminster  Confession  discloses  a 
notable  resemblance.  In  fact,  it  would  appear 
that  the  whole  body  of  doctrine  in  the  confession 
is  derivable  from  the  Institutes,  if  we  except 
some  things  due  to  the  influence  of  Dutch 
thought. 

Nevertheless  there  are  some  very  important 
differences.  There  is,  first,  the  fact  that  a  brief 
formula  and  an  extended  treatise  cannot  state 
the  same  things  in  the  same  way,  nor  make  the 
same  impression  with  the  same  general  ideas,  be 
the  likenesses  ever  so  close  in  other  respects.  It  is 
still  further  true  that  the  Institutes  contain  some 
important  elements  and  qualities  that  are  lacking 
in  the  Confession,  which  make  them  by  far  a 
better  balanced  statement  of  theology.  To  put 
it  in  another  way,  they  contain  methods,  prin- 
ciples or  leading  ideas  naturally  corrective  of  the 
faults  of  the  system. 

Far  more  important  than  the  particular  forms 
that  doctrine  took  under  Calvin's  treatment  is  the 
method  which  he  used  in  developing  doctrine. 
This  method  needs  three  words  to  describe  it ;  it 
is  a  judicious  combination  of  the  rational,  critical 
and  historical.  The  subjects  of  theology  are 
named,  classified  and  arranged  in  a  system;  each 
subject  is  then  stated,  related  to  other  subjects 
and  the  form  of  the  statement  is  approved  by  an 
appeal  to  reason,  to  the  teaching  of  the  Scriptures 
and  to  the  Church  Fathers,  and  to  the  evidence 

[24] 


The  Calvinism  of  the  Institutes 

which  is  furnished  b}^  the  progress  of  Church  his- 
tory and  by  rehgious  experience. 

The  pecuHar  doctrines  which  are  commonly 
ascribed  to  Calvin  are  not  nearly  so  characteristic 
of  the  man  as  his  way  of  putting  them.  For  it 
is  well  understood  that  these  doctrines  were 
originally  derived  from  Augustine,  but  the 
method  is  Calvin's.  The  followers  of  Calvin 
adopted  his  Augustinianism,  but  not  always  his 
method ;  hence  the  rigidity  and  undeveloping  char- 
acter of  traditional  Calvinism.  But  though  such 
a  condition  might  obtain  for  a  while,  it  was  in- 
evitable that  sometime  the  method  which  Calvin 
used  to  express  the  doctrinal  thought  of  his  time, 
should  again  be  used  for  a  restatement  of  Chris- 
tian doctrine.  The  free  expression  of  thought 
which  was  characteristic  of  the  Reformation  in 
its  early  stages,  might  be  checked  for  a  time,  but 
it  was  too  nearly  the  real  genius  of  that  great 
movement  to  be  continually  restrained. 

It  is  of  the  highest  importance  to  appreciate 
this  fact  for  a  just  valuation  of  Calvin's  theology. 
It  shows  that  real  Calvinism  did  not  need  to  be- 
come formal  or  rigid;  that  it  had  within  itself  a 
corrective  force  that  only  needed  an  opportunity 
to  show  itself  to  lead  to  a  review  of  the  evi- 
dence and  data  upon  which  Christian  doctrine  is 
based.  Any  personal  peculiarity  of  opinion  on 
Calvin's  part,  or  any  false  emphasis  that  was  put 
upon  some  form  of  Christian  truth  in  that  genera- 
tion, or  even  any  fault  of  judgment,  is  subject 

[25] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

to  correction  in  just  that  same  way  and  by  that 
same  method  by  which  Calvin  sought  with  so 
much  success  to  correct  the  erroneous  teaching 
and  practises  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

Of  not  so  great  importance,  but  yet  approach- 
ing it,  is  another  principle  set  forth  in  the 
Institutes,  the  significance  of  which  was  lost  in 
the  succeeding  generations.  This  was  the  plac- 
ing above  the  formal  authority  of  the  Scriptures 
the  religious  consciousness  as  acted  upon  by  the 
Holy  Spirit,  —  a  continued  inspiration,  not,  in- 
deed, in  the  sense  that  new  revelation  is  given, 
but  that  it  is  the  testimony  of  the  Spirit  to 
the  individual  mind  that  finally  establishes  the 
authority  of  the  revelation  already  given.  The 
truth  of  the  Scriptures  is  not  a  thing  demon- 
strable through  reason,  but  it  is  a  thing  which 
is  realizable  to  the  spiritual  mind.  "It  obtains 
the  credit  which  it  deserves  with  us  by  the  tes- 
timony of  the  Spirit.  For  though  it  conciliates 
us  by  its  internal  majesty,  it  never  seriously  af- 
fects us,  till  it  is  confirmed  by  the  Spirit  in  our 
hearts." ' 

This  principle  the  makers  of  the  Westminster 
Confession  did  not  fail  to  recognize,  but  never- 
theless such  a  formal  idea  of  Scriptural  inspira- 
tion came  to  prevail  that  the  significance  of  the 
idea  was  totally  obscured.  So  this  principle, 
though  great  in  potentiality,  failed  to  become  a 
real  part  of  traditional  Calvinism.       Instead,  the 

'  Book  I,  Ch.  VII. 

[26] 


The  Calvinism  of  the  Institutes 

doctrine  of  verbal  inspiration  was  carried  to  such 
an  extreme  as  to  stand  in  the  way  of  freedom  of 
thought  and  interpretation,  and  theological  prog- 
ress was  at  a  standstill. 

Another  feature  of  the  Institutes  that  is  of  cor- 
rective influence,  is  Calvin's  presentation  of  the 
nature  of  the  Christian  life/  A  comparison  is 
often  made  between  the  Westminster  Confession 
and  the  Heidelberg  Catechism  to  the  effect  that 
the  one  deals  with  Christian  belief  and  the  other 
with  Christian  living.  Calvin's  treatment  of  the 
subject  of  Christian  living  relates  itself  to  the 
method  of  the  Heidelberg  Catechism.  It  is  a 
noble  conception  of  true  Christian  living ;  the  doc- 
trinaire is  merged  in  the  preacher  and  five  chap- 
ters follow  one  another  upon  this  theme.' 

Calvin  starts  out  with  the  thought  that  the  first 
thing  in  the  Christian  life  is  ''that  a  love  of  right- 
eousness, to  which  we  have  otherwise  no  natural 
propensity,  be  instilled  into  our  hearts."  But 
granted  this  divine  beginning,  the  Christian  life 
thereafter  becomes  an  attempt  on  the  part  of 
man  to  be  like  his  heavenly  Father. 

A  goal  is  set  for  man  to  reach,  a  type  of  per- 
fect living  given  in  the  person  of  Christ,  and  the 
Christian  is  not  one  who  has  attained  perfection, 
but  one  who  is  advancing  toward  it.  "Let  us 
every  one  proceed  according  to  our  small  ability, 
and  prosecute  the  journey  we  have  begun.  No 
man  will  be  so  unhappy  but  that  every  day  he 

'  Book  III,  Ch.  VI— X. 

[27] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

may  make  some  progress,  however  small.  There- 
fore let  us  not  cease  tO'  strive  that  we  may  be 
incessantly  advancing  in  the  way  of  the  Lord; 
nor  let  us  despair  on  account  of  the  smallness 
of  our  success;  for  however  our  success  may  not 
correspond  to  our  wishes,  yet  our  labor  is  not  lost 
when  this  day  surpasses  the  preceding  one,  pro- 
vided that  with  sincere  simplicity  we  keep  our 
end  in  view  and  press  forward  tO'  the  goal,  not 
practising  self-adulation,  nor  indulging  our  evil 
propensities,  but  perpetually  exerting  our  en- 
deavors after  increasing  degrees  of  amelioration 
till  we  shall  have  arrived  at  a  perfection  of  good- 
ness, which,  indeed,  we  seek  and  pursue  as  long 
as  we  live,  and  shall  then  attain,  when  divested 
of  our  corporeal  infirmity  we  shall  be  admitted  by 
God  into  complete  communion  with  him." 

This  effort  to  obtain  perfect  goodness  follows 
along  three  lines  of  activity,  which  Calvin  finds 
mentioned  in  Paul's  letter  to  Titus  (Titus  2 :  12), 
sobriety,  righteousness  and  godliness.  "Sobriety 
undoubtedly  means  chastity  and  temperance, 
as  well  as  a  pure  and  frugal  use  of  tem- 
poral blessings,  and  patience  under  poverty. 
Righteousness  includes  all  the  duties  of  equity, 
that  every  man  may  receive  what  is  his  due.  God- 
liness separates  us  from  the  pollution  of  the 
world,  and  by  true  holiness  unites  us  to  God. 
When  these  virtues  are  indissolubly  connected, 
they  produce  absolute  perfection."  But  the  at- 
tainment of  these  virtues  comes  only  by  a  process 
[28] 


The  Calvinism  of  the  Institutes 

of  self-denial,  first  for  the  glory  of  God,  then  in 
the  service  of  men,  through  whom  God  would 
have  us  pay  our  debt  to  him. 

In  another  section  Calvin  adds,  "Moreover, 
that  we  may  be  not  weary  of  doing  good,  which 
otherwise  would  of  necessity  be  the  case,  we  must 
add  also  the  other  character  mentioned  by  the 
apostle,  that  'charity  suffereth  long,  and  ...  is  not 
easily  provoked.'  "  Very  vigorously  he  then  puts 
the  case.  "Whoever,  therefore,  is  presented 
to  you  that  needs  your  kind  offices,  you  have  no 
reason  to  refuse  him  your  assistance.  Say  that 
he  is  a  stranger;  yet  the  Lord  has  impressed  on 
him  a  character  which  ought  to  be  familiar  to 
you;  for  which  reason  he  forbids  you  to  despise 
your  own  flesh.  Say  that  he  is  contemptible  and 
worthless;  but  the  Lord  shows  him  to  be  one 
whom  he  has  deigned  to  grace  with  his  image. 
Say  that  you  are  obliged  to  him  for  no  services; 
but  God  has  made  him,  as  it  were,  his  substitute, 
to  whom  you  acknowledge  yourself  to  be  under 
obligations  for  numerous  and  important  benefits. 
.  .  .  If  he  not  only  has  deserved  no-  favor,  but  on 
the  contrary  has  provoked  you  with  injuries  and 
insults,  even  this  is  no  reason  why  you  should  not 
embrace  him  with  your  afifection,  and  perform 
'for  him  the  offices  of  love." 

An  important  branch  of  self-denial  is  cross- 
bearing.  The  difficulties,  the  sorrows,  the  in- 
firmities, the  misfortunes  of  life  are  a  discipline 
which  the  child  of  God  undergoes  that  he  may  be 

[29] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

taught  to  look  to  the  eternal  in  place  of  the  tem- 
poral, and  gain  patience,  endurance  and  Christ- 
like character. 

This  view  of  the  Christian  life  is  completed  by 
a  most  sensible  treatment  of  the  subject  of  the 
Christian  use  of  temporal  blessings.  A  balance 
is  to  be  held  between  the  ascetic  and  the  indulgent 
use  of  life  and  the  means  of  its  support,  and  this 
balance  is  to  be  found  in  using  things  in  the  way 
and  for  the  purpose  that  God  intended.  "It 
must  be  laid  down  as  a  principle,  that  the  use  of 
the  gifts  of  God  is  not  erroneous,  when  it  is 
directed  to  the  same  end  for  which  the  Creator 
himself  has  created  and  appointed  them  for  us; 
since  he  has  created  them  for  our  benefit,  not  for 
our  injury." 

"Shall  the  Lord  have  endued  the  flowers  with 
such  beauty,  to  present  itself  to  our  eyes,  with 
such  sweetness  of  smell,  to  impress  our  sense  of 
smelling;  and  shall  it  be  unlawful  for  our  eyes  to 
be  affected  with  the  beautiful  sight,  or  our 
olfactory  nerves  with  the  agreeable  odor  ?  What ! 
has  he  not  made  such  a  distinction  of  colors  as  to 
render  some  more  agreeable  than  others?  Has 
he  not  given  to  gold  and  silver,  to  ivory  and 
marble,  a  beauty  which  makes  them  more  precious 
than  other  metals  and  stones?  In  a  word,  has 
he  not  made  many  things  worthy  of  our  estima- 
tion, independently  of  any  necessary  use?'* 

"Let  us  discard,  then,  that  inhuman  philosophy, 
which,    allowing  no    use   of   the    creatures   but 

[30] 


The  Calvinism  of  the  Institutes 

what  is  absolutely  necessary,  not  only  deprives 
us  of  the  lawful  enjoyment  of  the  divine  bene- 
ficence, but  which  cannot  be  embraced  till  it 
has  despoiled  man  of  all  his  senses  and  reduced 
him  to  a  senseless  block.  But  on  the  other  hand, 
we  must  with  equal  diligence  oppose  the  licen- 
tiousness of  the  flesh." 

This  is  a  forceful  presentation  of  Christian 
living,  and  whatever  philosophy  of  salvation  may 
accompany  it,  as  long  as  it  is  preached  it  will 
have  strong  appeal  to  the  human  heart. 

One  other  subject  deserves  comment  along  this 
line.  It  is  customary  to  speak  of  the  sovereignty 
of  God  as  the  central  theme  of  Calvinism.  It  is 
very  true  that  Calvin  depicts  God  as  a  sovereign 
ruler.  But  this  is  not  all.  This  term  very  im- 
perfectly describes  the  thought  of  Calvin.  It  is 
a  criticism  rather  than  a  characterization.  A 
large  amount  of  sovereignty  must  be  ascribed  to 
God  in  any  system  of  theism,  and  we  have  again 
to  note  that  the  difficulty  here  is  not  with  the  doc- 
trine but  with  the  slavery  of  the  human  will  which 
apparently  accentuates  the  force  of  the  divine  will. 

It  seems  to  the  author  that  a  truer  character- 
ization of  Calvin's  idea  of  God  would  be  that 
he  is  the  great  active  personality  of  the  universe. 
The  speculative  subject  of  what  God  is,  in  him- 
self, finds  almost  no  mention  in  the  Institutes. 
Even  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity  is  explained 
chiefly  by  Scriptural  quotation  and  annotation. 
God  is  described  to  us  almost  altogether  by  his 

[31] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

doings.  He  is  Creator  of  the  world,  he  is  Pre- 
server as  well..  All  things  take  place  under  his 
knowledge  and  power.  God  is  set  forth  as 
trinity,  not  so  much  essentially,  as  in  effecting  the 
salvation  of  men  and  in  bringing  about  the  de- 
sired course  and  progress  of  world  history.  God, 
as  Calvin  describes  him,  is  not  so  much  the  All- 
powerful  One,  the  All-present,  the  All-wise,  the 
All-holy  One,  as  he  is  the  All-active  One.  The 
effect  of  such  a  presentation  of  the  divine  nature 
is  to  give  an  intense  impression  of  God  as  a  per- 
son, the  master  person  in  a  world  of  lesser  per- 
sons, the  father  spirit  in  the  world  of  human 
spirits. 

It  would  be  hard  to  estimate  the  effect  that  this 
idea  of  God  had  upon  the  world  of  Calvin's  time. 
It  has  been  often  asserted  that  the  Calvinist's 
surety  of  election  kept  him  true  in  the  severest 
trials  and  gave  to  him  that  sturdy  moral  character 
which  so  evidently  impressed  itself  upon  the 
history  of  the  Netherlands,  Scotland  and  Eng- 
land. Would  it  not  be  more  in  accord  with  the 
truth,  to  say  that  it  was  due  to  his  sureness,  not 
of  himself,  but  of  God  and  the  triumph  of  God's 
cause?  The  mere  fact  of  being  assured  of  sal- 
vation from  death,  has,  in  itself,  no  incentive  to 
action.  But  the  surety  in  the  Calvinist's  mind 
that  God  was  doing  great  things  and  had  set  him 
to  do  great  things  also  gave  tO'  him  an  influ- 
ence and  power  in  the  developing  life  of  the 
time  out  of  all  proportion  to  his  natural  gifts. 

[32] 


The  Calvinism  of  the  Institutes 

Further  it  may  be  said,  that  if  Calvin  taught 
the  divine  decree  he  also  taught  the  divine  love. 
Since  the  former  doctrine  is  so  intimately  con- 
nected with  his  name,  it  is  only  justice  that  we 
should  remember  his  teaching  on  the  other  sub- 
ject. 

"Because  the  Lord  will  not  lose  in  us  that 
which  is  his  own,  he  yet  discovers  something  that 
his  goodness  may  love.  For  notwithstanding 
we  are  sinners  through  our  own  fault,  yet  we  are 
still  his  creatures;  notwithstanding  we  have 
brought  death  upon  ourselves,  yet  he  had  created 
us  for  life.  Thus,  by  a  pure  and  gratuitous  love 
toward  us,  he  is  excited  to  receive  us  into  favor. 
But  if  there  is  a  perpetual  and  irreconcilable  op- 
position between  righteousness  and  iniquity,  he 
cannot  receive  us  entirely,  as  long  as  we  remain 
sinners.  Therefore,  to  remove  all  occasion  of 
enmity,  and  to  reconcile  us  completely  to  himself, 
he  abolishes  all  our  guilt,  by  the  expiation  ex- 
hibited in  the  death  of  Christ,  that  we,  who  be- 
fore were  polluted  and  impure,  may  appear  right- 
eous and  holy  in  his  sight.  The  love  of  God 
the  Father  therefore  precedes  our  reconciliation 
in  Christ;  or  rather  it  is  because  he  first  loves, 
that  he  afterwards  reconciles  us  to  himself."* 

We  discover,  then,  in  the  Institutes,  four  great 
principles  or  ideas,  which  make  the  work  remark- 
able beyond   its   specific   doctrinal   teachings;   a 
scientific  method  of  treating  and  arranging  the 
*Book  II,  Ch.  XVI. 

[33] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

material  of  Christian  doctrine;  an  emphasis 
upon  the  importance  of  a  personal  spiritual  ex- 
perience for  the  understanding  and  expression  of 
religious  truth;  a  most  sensible,  practical  and 
vital  exposition  of  Christian  living;  and  the 
setting  forth  of  God  through  a  description  of  his 
doings  as  the  supreme  and  all-active  personality 
of  the  universe. 


[34] 


CHAPTER  III  . 

THE  THEOLOGICAL  SOURCES 
OF  THE  INSTITUTES 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  THEOLOGICAL  SOURCES  OF  THE 
INSTITUTES 

When  an  author  presents  a  book  to  the  public, 
it  is  taken  for  granted  that  he  has  made  use  of  a 
certain  amount  of  material  from  other  writers  an- 
cient or  modern,  especially  if  his  work  be  in  the 
line  of  history,  theology  or  philosophy.  It  is 
likewise  to  be  expected  that  the  book,  if  it  has 
any  particular  merit,  contains  something  original 
and  valuable  contributed  by  the  author  himself, 
either  in  material,  arrangement,  method  of  treat- 
ment or  philosophical  standpoint.  To  distinguish 
between  these  two  elements  is  often  of  great 
critical  and  historical  value  as  showing  the  prog- 
ress of  some  important  movement,  the  develop- 
ment of  some  phase  of  doctrine,  or  establishing 
the  worth  and  describing  the  work  of  any  great 
leader  or  school. 

The  theological  system  of  John  Calvin,  as  set 
forth  in  his  "Institutes  of  the  Christian  Religion," 
is  of  such  historic  importance  as  to  warrant  the 
attempt  to  make  this  distinction  in  its  material 
and  construction,  that  we  may  learn,  if  possible, 
to  what  extent  he  made  use  of  other  theological 
writings  and  discover,  as  well,  wherein  lay  the 
secret    of    his    success  as  a  theologian  and  his 

[37] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

prominence  among  the  leaders  of  thought  in 
Reformation  times.  It  is  with  this  purpose  in 
view  that  this  chapter  has  been  prepared. 

The  investigation  of  the  subject  thus  presented 
follows  naturally  along  three  lines.  (i)  The 
statements  made  by  Calvin  himself  in  his  dif- 
ferent writings.  (2)  The  circumstances  and 
events  of  Calvin's  life  as  described  in  different 
documents  and  narrated  by  his  biographers.  (3) 
A  comparison  of  the  theology  of  the  Institutes 
with  that  of  the  other  leaders  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. 

I.     The  Statements  of  Cai^vin 

In  the  successive  editions  of  the  Institutes 
Calvin  refers  continually  to  different  authorities 
in  theology  and  history  and  makes  frequent 
quotations  from  them.  In  the  last  edition,  the 
pages  are  comparatively  few  on  which  there  is 
not  found  at  least  one  such  reference.  But  it 
does  not  necessarily  follow  that  when  allusion  is 
made  to  another  writer,  confession  of  indebted- 
ness is  thereby  acknowledged.  Every  writer  in 
theology  seeks  corroboration  even  for  his 
peculiar  tenets,  and  so  Calvin.  Nevertheless  in 
a  large  number  of  cases  it  is  not  only  apparent  that 
he  derives  his  material  from  other  sources,  but  it 
is  necessarily  so  from  the  nature  of  the  acknowl- 
edgment, or  the  dominance  of  a  certain  method  of 
thought,  which  finds  expression  in  his  theology. 

This  is  manifestly  true  in  regard  to  the  con- 

[38] 


The  Theological  Sources  of  the  Institutes 

structive  use  which  is  made  of  the  Bible.  It  is 
very  extensively  quoted.  It  is  looked  upon  as 
the  final  and  sufficient  authority  on  all  questions 
of  doctrine.  Calvin  made  use  of  it  more 
thoroughly  and  consistently  than  any  of  the  other 
Reformers.  He  was  minutely  familiar  with  all 
its  parts,  and  wrote  scholarly  commentaries  on 
most  of  its  books.  He  was  acquainted  with  the 
original  languages  in  which  it  was  written,  and 
though  he  never  formally  undertook  the  work  of 
translation,  yet  he  helped  to  revise  the  French 
translation  of  Olivetan,  and  in  his  different 
writings  are  contained  renderings  in  French  and 
Latin  of  a  large  portion  of  it. 

In  the  construction  of  his  theological  system 
all  this  knowledge  is  brought  into  play.  In  the 
last  edition  of  the  Institutes,  all  but  five  O'f  the 
canonical  books  are  used  as  sources  of  doctrinal 
material,  and  almost  the  whole  teaching  of  the 
Scriptures  is  reproduced.  The  total  number  of 
quotations  thus  made  use  of  is  about  three 
thousand. 

But  while  all  the  books  of  the  canon  are  re- 
garded as  available  for  theological  purposes, 
there  are  certain  ones  that  Calvin  selects,  if  we 
may  judge  by  the  frequency  of  quotation,  as  of 
more  importance  than  others  in  the  establishing 
of  doctrine.  In  the  first  edition  of  the  Institutes, 
that  of  1536,  the  most  used  book  is  the  Epistle 
to  the  Romans.  In  successive  editions  Calvin 
quoted  more  and  more  from  the  Old  Testament, 

[39] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

especially  from  the  Psalms,  which  at  last  affords 
the  greatest  number  of  quotations.  But  the  rela- 
tive importance  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  is 
not  thereby  diminished,  nor  is  there  any  essential 
doctrinal  change  apparent  in  the  later  editions. 

The  great  influence  oi  Paul  on  Calvin's  state- 
ments of  doctrine  may  be  shown  also  by  the  pro- 
portion in  which  his  writings  as  a  whole  are  used, 
as  compared  with  other  portions  of  the  Bible.  Fifty 
per  cent  of  the  quotations  from  the  New  Testa- 
ment are  from  Paul's  epistles  though  they  form 
but  twenty-five  per  cent  of  its  printed  matter. 
Thirty  per  cent  of  the  quotations  from  the  whole 
Bible  are  from  Paul,  and  in  the  first  edition,  the 
formative  one,  the  proportion  is  thirty-five  per 
cent.  The  four  Gospels,  which  in  print  take  up 
more  than  twice  the  amount  of  space  required 
for  Paul's  writings,  are  yet  consulted  less  fre- 
quently. 

This  dependence  upon  Paul  is  still  more 
manifest  if  we  take  note  of  the  doctrines  most 
extensively  treated  by  Calvin:  the  Trinity,  the 
divine  sovereignty,  election,  reprobation,  human 
depravity,  justification  by  faith,  repentance. 
These  Calvin  refers  directly  tO'  the  statements  of 
Paul.  They  are  doctrines  especially  emphasized 
by  him.       Paul  is  Calvin's  chief  authority. 

But  why  should  a  theologian  who  had  recourse 
to  all  parts  of  the  Scriptures  be  so  partial  to  one 
particular  writer?  A  further  study  of  the 
Institutes    furnishes   at   least  a   partial   answer. 

[40] 


The  Theological  Sources  of  the  Institutes 

Next  to  the  Bible  Calvin  quotes  most  from  the 
works  of  Augustine.  Of  the  eighty  chapters  in 
the  last  edition,  about  sixty  contain  quotations 
from,  or  references  to,  this  noted  Church  father, 
a  single  chapter  often  containing  a  large  number. 
He  is  appealed  to  generally  throughout  the 
entire  treatise,  but  it  is  to  be  noted  that  those 
portions  in  which  the  references  are  most  fre- 
quent relate  to  those  very  same  doctrines  named 
above  as  being  specially  characteristic  of  the  Cal- 
vinistic  system  of  theology. 

The  question  comes  easily  to  mind,  Is  not  Cal- 
vinism, then,  simply  a  Reformation  statement  of 
Augustinianism  ?  It  has  been  so  considered.  But 
it  must  be  said  that  Calvin  does  not  follow 
Augustine  slavishly.  He  is  eclectic  in  his  use  of 
this  source.  He  often  quotes  only  to  condemn, 
and  holds  every  doctrinal  point  as  subject  to  the 
Scriptures.  There  is  much,  too,  in  Calvin's 
writings  that  we  may  seek  in  vain  for  in  the 
works  of  Augustine. 

It  is  also  to  be  considered,  that  while  this 
Church  father  was  most  quoted,  other  men  of 
like  authority  and  antiquity  are  frequently  con- 
sulted. Notable  among  these  are  Iren?eus, 
Eusebius,  Chrysostom,  Origen,  Cyprian,  Jerome, 
Ambrose,  Tertullian,  Aquinas,  Bernard  and 
Lombard.  The  decrees  of  the  i^reat  church 
councils  are  also  made  use  of.  The  classical 
writers  of  heathen  Rome  —  Virgil,  '!icero,  Ovid, 
Seneca  —  are  made  to  bear  witness  "^o  the  truth ; 

[41] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

and  the  ancient  philosophers  Socrates,  Plato 
and  Aristotle  are  brought  in  to  testify  in  matters 
relating  to  theology. 

This  list  of  authorities  as  gathered  from  the 
Institutes  is  remarkable  for  its  omissio'n  of  the 
names  of  the  theologians  of  the  Reformation.  In 
other  of  Calvin's  writings,  however,  he  makes 
mention  of  his  connection  with  the  other  Re- 
formers. 

We  may  gather  from  his  letters  that  he  enter- 
tained a  high  regard  for  Luther  and  his  work. 
In  a  letter  to  him  written  in  January  1545,  he 
appealed  to  him  for  approval  upon  some  of  his 
publications.  In  the  previous  year,  writing  to 
Bullinger,  he  says  of  Luther,  ''Although  he  were 
to  call  me  a  devil,  I  should  still  not  the  less  hold 
him  in  such  honor  that  I  must  acknowledge  him 
to  be  an  illustrious  servant  of  God."  Still  earlier, 
in  a  letter  written  to  Farel  from;  Strasburg  in 
1539,  he  is  almost  jubilant  because  Luther  had 
sent  greetings  to  him  through  Bucer  and  had  said 
by  way  of  compliment,  ''Whose  books  I  have 
read  with  special  delight."  Writing  to  Farel  in 
the  same  year  he  estimates  Luther  as  greater 
than  Zwingli. 

Calvin's  correspondence  also  reveals  great  re- 
spect for  Martin  Bucer,  whose  intimate  friend  he 
was.  He  says  of  him  in  a  letter  to  Bullinger, 
written  in  March  1539,  "Endowed  with  a  singu- 
larly acute  and  remarkably  clear  judgment,  ...  no 
one  is  more  desirous  to  keep  within  the  simplicity 
[42] 


The  Theological  Sources  of  the  Institutes 

of  the  word  of  God,  and  less  given  to  hunt  after 
niceties  of  interpretation  that  are  quite  foreign 
to  it."       Writing  again  to  Bullinger  in  1548  in 
defence  of  Bucer,  who  seems  to  have  fallen  under 
the  suspicion  of  the  Swiss  Reformers,  he  identifies 
himself  with  Bucer  on  the  question  of  the  Lord's 
Supper  and  other  questions  with  the  purpose  of 
mediating  between  the  two  parties.     In  the  pre- 
face to  this  commentary  on  the  Epistle    to   the 
Romans,      Calvin      ascribes      great      honor    to 
Melancthon,  Bullinger  and  Bucer  for  work  done 
previously  upon  the  same  book.       Also  in  the 
closing  words   of  the  introduction  to  his  har- 
mony of  the  Gospels,  he  says  that,  in  the  treat- 
ment of  this  subject,  he  imitates  Bucer.       On  the 
other  hand,  Calvin  seems  to  have  used  quite  an 
authoritative    tone    toward    his    colleague.      A 
letter  written  to  him  in  February  1549  is  thor- 
oughly hortatory  and  didactic.       It  is  such  as  a 
bishop  might  have  written  to  an  under-shepherd. 
In  a  letter  to  Viret  from  Strasburg  in  May 
1540,    Capito    and    CEcolampadius    are    highly 
praised  and  recommended  for  their  commentaries 
on  Isaiah. 

There  remains  one  more  to  whom  Calvin  openly 
gave  tribute,  Melchior  Wolmar  his  former  in- 
structor in  Greek.  To  him  he  dedicated  his  com- 
mentary on  the  Second  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians, 
with  words  of  praise,  and  thanks  him  personally 
for  the  start  he  had  given  him  in  the  study  of  the 
Greek  language. 

[43] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

We  find  in  Calvin's  own  words  no  clear 
statement  of  indebtedness  to  the  theologians  of 
his  own  time.  We  turn,  therefore,  to  his  biogra- 
phers, if  perchance  they  may  shed  some  light  on 
this  question. 

II.     The  Statements  o^  the  Biographers. 

Calvin,  according  to-  his  own  words  in  the  in- 
troduction to  his  commentary  on  the  Psalms,  did 
not  owe  his  conversion  to  any  human  agency.  He 
declares  that  "God  himself  produced  the  change. 
He  instantly  subdued  my  heart  to  obedience." 

We  may  not  from  this  assertion  hastily  con- 
clude that  there  had  been  no  preparation  for  the 
change  that  came  at  last  so  suddenly.  All  the 
historical  evidence  is  to  the  contrary.  While 
Calvin  was  yet  a  boy  the  Reformation  doctrines 
came  under  general  discussion  throughout 
Europe,  and  his  university  course  was  carried  on 
while  the  battle  was  still  hot.  A  man  in  his 
position  could  not  fail  to  realize  this  nor  remain 
unaffected  by  it. 

It  seems  from  a  historical  point  of  view  that 
the  first  man  to  affect  Calvin's  religious  opinions 
was  Erasmus.  Calvin  expressed  as  a  youth  a 
great  admiration  for  this  scholar  and  called  him 
*'the  honor  and  delight  of  the  world  of  letters." 
His  first  outlook  upon  the  religious  condition  of 
the  times  was  in  likeness  to  Erasmus,  that  of  the 
Humanist,  as  was  true  also  of  Melancthon  and 
Zwingli.       It  was  in  the  spirit  of  this  school  of 

[44] 


The  Theological  Sources  of  the  Institutes 

culture  that  he  wrote  his  commentary  on  Seneca's 
"De  Clementia,"  pubHshed  in  April  1532. 
Moreover,  to  be  a  follower  of  Erasmus  meant 
something  more  than  to  be  a  man  of  letters  or 
classical  scholar;  it  involved  also  a  study  of  the 
Bible,  in  which  Calvin  was  already  proficient, 
and  an  attitude  of  criticism  toward  the  existing 
state  of  affairs  in  the  Church,  together  with  a 
desire  for  reform.  That  Calvin  had  reached 
this  position  also  follows  almost  necessarily  from 
the  fact  that  his  conversion  to  the  cause  of  the 
antipapal  reformers  came  within  a  short  time 
after  the  publication  of  the  commentary  on 
Seneca. 

Another  leader  to  whom  Calvin  must  have 
owed  something  of  suggestion  and  influence  was 
Lefevre  d'Etaples.  Doumergue  in  his  "  Vie  de 
Calvin"  has  a  chapter  describing  at  considerable 
length  the  life  and  work  of  this  man.  Like 
Erasmus,  Lefevre  was  desirous  of  a  reform  with- 
out schism,  but  was  more  optimistic  and  more 
evangelical.  He  was  the  real  father  of  the 
French  Reformation.  He  entertained  evan- 
gelical ideas  before  Luther's  reformatory  activity 
began.  In  15 12  he  published  a  commentary  on 
the  Epistles  of  Paul  in  which  were  set  forth  some 
of  the  fundamental  doctrines  of  Protestantism. 
Later  he  issued  a  translation  of  the  Bible  in 
French.  He  was  an  instructor  in  the  University 
of  Paris  and  as  such  had  much  to  do  with  the 
training  of  Gerard  Roussel,  Melchior  Wolmar, 

[45] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

William  Farel  and  others  important  in  the 
religious  life  of  that  time.  Henry  asserts  that 
Lefevre  was  one  of  Calvin's  instructors,  but 
this  does  not  appear  possible  as  he  left  his  posi- 
tion as  instructor  in  1521,  two  years  before  Cal- 
vin began  his  university  studies.  But  the 
movement  which  was  started  by  Lefevre  could 
scarcely  have  escaped  the  attention  of  any  wide- 
awake student  in  the  French  universities.  Later 
on  the  two  men  became  acquainted  and  conferred 
together  on  the  great  questions  of  the  times. 

It  has  been  noted  above  that  Calvin  owed  much 
to  Melchior  Wolmar  for  instruction  in  the  Greek 
language  and  literature.  There  is  some  con- 
troversy as  to  how  far  Wolmar's  influence  over 
Calvin  led  in  the  direction  of  reform.  Henry 
claims  that  he  was  largely  influential  in  the  con- 
version of  Calvin,  or  at  least  inculcated  in  his 
mind  the  principles  of  the  evangelical  school.  But 
later  writers  deny  this,  pointing  to  the  fact  that 
Calvin  did  not  manifest  such  conversion  till  con- 
siderably later  and  also  to  the  fact  that  in  the 
dedication  of  the  commentary  on  the  Second  ^^ 
Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  while  he  acknowledges 
his  indebtedness  to  Wolmar  for  his  foundation 
in  Greek  learning  and  for  personal  interest  and 
affection,  he  makes  no  mention  of  any  influence 
in  the  direction  of  reform. 

Lefranc,  in  "La  Jeunesse  de  Calvin,"  claims 
that  Calvin's  immediate  conversion  was  due  to  the 
efforts  of  Pierre  Robert  (Olivetan).     This  man 

[46] 


The  Theological  Sources  of  the  Institutes 

was  a  relative  of  Calvin,  and  like  him  a  native 
of  Noyon.  After  studying  in  one  of  the  French 
universities  he  went  to  Strasburg,  and  while 
there  came  under  the  instruction  of  Bucer,  the 
leading  Reformer  of  that  city.  He  became  a  con- 
vert to  the  Reformation  and  joined  a  coterie  of 
young  Picards  who  held  Lutheran  doctrines. 
Returning  tO'  Noyon  he  began  to-  promulgate  his 
new  opinions  and  became  the  leader  of  a  com- 
pany of  Protestants  there.  Calvin  while  on  a 
visit  to  his  home  encountered  his  cousin  and  was 
by  him  induced  to  come  over  to  the  side  of  the 
Protestants.  Such  is  the  theory  advanced  by 
Lefranc. 

In  "Die  Bekehrung  Calvin's"  Lang  questions, 
on  good  evidence  apparently,  if  the  facts  pre- 
sented by  Lefranc  are  sufficient  to  warrant  the 
conclusion  that  there  was  an  organized  body  of 
Protestants  in  Noyon  before  the  time  of  Calvin's 
conversion.  The  existence  of  such  a  body  in  1534 
might  have  been  due  as  much  to  Calvin  as  to 
Olivetan.  To  this  criticism  is  added  Calvin's 
own  declaration  that  his  awakening  was  of  God. 
Within  these  limitations  the  influence  of  Olivetan 
may  be  considered  probable,  for  Beza  in  his  ac- 
count of  Calvin's  life,  states  that,  "Calvin  had 
through  his  relative  and  friend  received  a  cer- 
tain taste  for  the  pure  religion  and  from  then 
began  to  withdraw  from  the  papal  superstitions." 
Just  what  period  in  Calvin's  life  this  refers  to 
must  be  a  matter  of  conjecture.     Lang  is  of  the 

[47] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

opinion  that  it  relates  to  a  time  anterior  to  his 
conversion.  There  is  certainly  nothing  in  Beza's 
statement  that  might  not  refer  to  a  change  like 
that  of  Ivcfevre,  a  devotion  to  a  Biblical  Chris- 
tianity while  still  within  the  ancient  Church.  But 
it  is  more  than  likely  that  this  influence,  once 
exerted,  would  continue  as  did  their  friendship. 
Within  a  year  or  two  of  Calvin's  conversion  they 
were  at  work  together  in  the  interests  of  the  Re- 
formation. This  was  during  the  preparation  of 
the  first  edition  of  the  Institutes.  It  would 
appear,  then,  that  through  Olivetan,  Calvin  was 
indirectly  brought  into  connection  with  the 
Reformation  under  Bucer,  who  was  a  disciple  of 
IvUther. 

A  more  direct  connection  with  Bucer  is  sug- 
gested by  a  letter  which  Calvin  wrote  him  in  Sep- 
tember 1532  from  Noyon.  The  object  of  the 
letter  is  to  recommend  to  Bucer's  care  a  certain 
French  refugee  who  was  in  hard  circumstances. 
Certain  presumptions  are  created  by  this  letter. 
It  is  not  distinctly  stated  that  the  refugee  was  a 
Protestant,  but  inasmuch  as  he  was  suspected  of 
being  an  Anabaptist,  wrongly  as  we  may  judge 
by  the  letter,  and  is  committed  to  the  care  of  the 
leading  Reformer  of  Strasburg,  the  implication 
is  that  he  was  of  the  Reformed  faith.  There  is 
a  similar  presumption  in  regard  to  Calvin  him- 
self. He  is  evidently  known  to  Bucer.  He 
signs  himself  simply  "Calvin."  The  in- 
ference would  be  that  Bucer  knew  of  him  as  a 

[48] 


The  Theological  Sources  of  the  Institut-es 

Protestant,  else  how  should  the  recommendation 
be  of  any  avail  or  even  reasonable? 

Two  years  later  Calvin,  himself  a  refugee, 
sought  an  asylum  at  Strasburg,  and  was  wel- 
comed by  Bucer.  But  he  soon  left  Strasburg 
and  went  to  Basel  where  he  finished  the  prepara- 
tion of  his  Institutes.  In  this  region  he  came 
within  the  circle  of  influence  of  both  the 
IvUtheran  and  Zwinglian  Reformers  and  became 
acquainted  more  or  less  intimately  with  Bucer, 
Capito,  Grynseus,  Myconius  and  Bullinger. 

We  find  from  the  biographers  of  Calvin  that 
before  the  publication  of  the  first  edition  of  the 
Institutes  he  came  in  contact  with  such  important 
Reformers  as  Lefevre,  Bucer  and  Bullinger  and 
their  associates;  that  he  was  familiar  with  the 
writings  of  Erasmus,  and  probably  had  read  the 
chief  works  of  Luther,  Melancthon  and  Zwingli, 
or  at  least  had  become  familiar  with  their  re- 
spective tenets.  There  is  no  historical  evidence 
that  he  was  a  disciple  of  any  particular  one  of 
them. 

A  further  investigation  carries  us  into  the  field 
of  comparative  theology. 

III.     CaIvVin's  Theology  as  Compared  With 
That  o^  Other  Rei^ormers. 
Two  things  are  evident  in  regard  to  the  Refor- 
mation    sources     of    Calvin's    theology.       (i) 
Calvin  had  the  teaching  and  experience  of  all  the 
Reformers  to  draw  from.      It  is  most  improbable 
[49] 


The  Bssential  Calvinism 

that  with  such  a  wide  outlook  a  man  of  his 
capacities  would  slavishly  follow  any  one  of  them. 
He  could  scarcely  have  attained  to  that  power 
and  influence  which  made  his  career  so  extraor- 
dinary, if  he  had  been  so  dependent  in  this  re- 
gard. (2)  Calvin  was  in  the  second  generation 
of  Reformers.  Protestant  doctrines  were  pro^ 
claimed  in  his  native  land  long  before  his 
conversion.  He  was  not  one  of  the  original 
formulators  of  those  doctrines.  The  field  for 
original  work  was,  then,  considerably  narrowed 
for  him.  If  we  are  tO'  look  for  originality  in 
Calvin's  work  it  must  be  either  in  an  improved 
treatment  of  doctrines  already  enunciated,  in  ad- 
ditions thereto,  or  their  better  arrangement  along 
some  dominant  principle  or  new  method. 

A  certain  set  of  doctrines  containing  a  peculiar 
theory  of  redemption  is  associated  with  the  name 
of  Calvin.  Chiefly  they  are  these:  the  authority 
of  the  Scriptures,  a  strict  teaching  of  the  Trinity, 
predestination,  moral  depravity,  sacrificial  atone- 
ment and  justification  by  faith.  It  has  already 
been  stated  that  Augustine  taught  these  doctrines 
in  the  same  form  and  relation.  There  is  one 
qualification  however.  The  assertion  that  the 
authority  of  the  Scriptures  is  supreme,  while  as- 
sociated with  the  Augustinian  evangelism  in  the 
teaching  of  the  Reformers,  is  not  strictly  a  part 
of  the  system  though  in  nO'  way  out  of  harmony 
with  it.  Augustine  asserted  the  authority  oi  the 
Scriptures,  but  he  also  asserted  the  authority  of 

[50] 


The  Theological  Sources  of  the  Institutes 

the  Church.  For  that  reason  the  principle  does 
not  have  the  same  relative  position  in  his 
theology  as  with  the  Reformers. 

But  in  other  respects  the  comparison  is  very 
complete.  In  regard  to  the  doctrine  of  the 
Trinity  we  find  him  stating  in  his  ''De  Trinitate," 
"The  Father,  Son  and  Spirit  are  not  three  gods 
but  one  God" ;  and  "are  of  the  same  substance  in 
an  indivisible  equality."  ' 

In  the  same  book,  speaking  of  sovereignty 
and  predestination,  he  says,  "The  will  of  God  is 
the  first  and  highest  cause  of  all  corporeal  ap- 
pearances and  motions."  (Book  iii,  Ch.  iv.) 
And  again  in  the  "Enchiridion,"  "Who  will  be  so 
foolish  and  blasphemous  as  to  say  that  God  can- 
not change  the  evil  wills  of  men,  whichever, 
whenever,  wherever  he  chooses?  But  when  he 
does  it,  he  does  it  of  mercy ;  and  when  he  does  it 
not,  of  justice  he  does  it  not."     (Ch.  xcviii.) 

In  the  "Enchiridion"  we  also  find  this  statement 
of  moral  depravity,  "By  his  (Adam's)  sin  the 
whole  race,  of  which  he  was  the  root,  was  cor- 
rupted in  him  and  thereby  subjected  to  the 
penalty  of  death,  and  so  it  happens  that  all  who 
are  descended  from  him  are  tainted  with  the 
original  sin."     (Ch.  xxvi.) 

Writing  of  the  atonement  in  the  same  book, 

he  says,  "That  one  sin  is  of  so  heinous  a  character 

that   in  one  man   the   whole   human   race  was 

originally,  and  as  one  may  say,  radically  con- 

1/  ^  Book  I,  Ch.  IV. 

^  [51] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

demned,  and  it  cannot  be  pardoned  and  blotted 
out  except  through  the  one  mediator  between 
God  and  man,  Christ  Jesus,  who  only  has  had 
the  power  to  be  so  born  as  not  to  need  a  second 
birth."     (Ch.  xxviii.) 

In  the  "Enchiridion"  we  find  this  assertion  in 
regard  to  justification:  ''But  that  part  of  the  hu- 
man race  to  which  God  has  promised  pardon,  can 
they  be  restored  through  the  merit  of  their  own 
works?  God  forbid!  For  what  works  can  a 
lost  man  perform  except  so  far  as  he  has  been 
delivered  from  perdition?  Can  they  do  any- 
thing by  the  free  determination  of  their  own 
will?  Again  I  say  God  forbid!"  (Ch.  xxx.) 
"And  lest  men  should  arrogate  tO'  themselves  the 
merit  of  their  own  faith,  not  understanding  that 
this  too  is  the  gift  of  God,  that  same  apostle 
(Paul)  says,  'And  this  not  oi  yourselves,  it  is 
the  gift  of  God.'"  (Ch.  xxxi.)  Again  he 
says,  "God  justifies  the  ungodly  not  only  by  re- 
mitting the  evil  he  has  done,  but  also  by  impart- 
ing love,  which  rejects  the  evil  and  does  the 
good.  .  .  .  The  ungodly  are  justified  by  the  grace 
of  God;"  —  i.e.,  from  being  ungodly  are  made 
righteous." 

But  this  emphasis  on  justification,  though  it 
may  have  been  suggestive  to  Luther  as  he  pon- 
dered over  the  works  of  Augustine,  fails  con- 
siderably of  expressing  what  the  doctrine  meant 
to  him.  There  is  a  confusing  of  justification 
with  sanctification ;  there   is   also   a   lacking  of 

[52] 


The  Theological  Sources  of  the  Institutes 

the  idea  which  figures  so  largely  in  Luther's  pres- 
entation of  faith  as  a  great  spiritual  experience, 
the  human  basis  of  justification;  so  also  with 
Calvin. 

But  with  one  or  two  obvious  exceptions  the 
likeness  between  the  teaching  of  Augustine  and 
Calvin  is  very  plain.  In  fact,  some  theologians 
have  preferred  to  pass  by  Calvin,  and  take  their 
starting  point  in  Augustine  for  the  exposition  of 
this  system  of  evangelical  theology. 

Calvin  was  not  alone  in  his  appeal  to 
Augustine.  All  the  great  Reformers,  and 
Luther  more  than  the  others,  looked  to  Augustine 
for  authority.  There  were  good  reasons  for 
this.  A  great  contest  was  on,  first  between  two 
parties  in  the  Roman  Church,  then  later  between 
hostile  organizations.  It  was  a  question  of  right 
and  authority.  Luther  and  the  other  Reformers 
found  in  the  works  of  Augustine  teachings  that 
fitted  in  with  their  way  of  thinking.  As  he  was 
one  of  the  most  revered  of  the  Latin  Fathers,  it 
was  of  tremendous  advantage  to  be  able  to  point 
to  him  and  show  that  he  centuries  before  had 
taught  the  very  things  that  the  Reformation 
theology  put  so  much  emphasis  upon.  The 
enemy  was  made  to  furnish  weapons  for  the  cam- 
paign and  they  were  used  most  effectively. 

Then,  too,  the  situation  in  the  world  of 
theology  favored  such  a  move.  Two  types  of 
thought  were  contesting  the  field  before  the  Ref- 
ormation began,  and   most   thinkers   had   taken 

[53] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

sides  in  sympathy  with  one  or  the  other, — 
Augustinianism  and  Pelagianism.  As  between  the 
two  there  seemed  to  be  but  one  choice  for  the 
Reformer.  To  start  a  reform  on  the  basis  of 
Pelagianism  and  with  the  aid  of  Pelagians  was 
out  of  the  question.  There  was  need  of  some- 
thing more  positive,  more  evangelistic,  and  this 
the  Reformers  found  in  the  system  of  Augustine. 

There  was  still  another  source  of  power  in  the 
adoption  of  Augustinianism.  The  common  refer- 
ence of  all  the  Reformers  to^  Augustine  as  an 
authority  gave  them  a  unity  of  thought  that  was 
of  great  service.  Had  they  not  had  such  a  one 
to  look  to  in  the  past,  had  they  had  the  task  of 
stating  the  truths  of  the  gospel  entirely  anew  at 
that  strenuous  time,  the  result  must  have  been 
an  utter  confusion  of  religious  thought,  and  so  a 
lesser  success  for  the  Reformation. 

Considering  that  Calvin  became  the  user  of 
these  Augustinian  doctrines,  it  will  be  of  impor- 
tance to  find  out,  if  it  be  possible,  how  he  first 
came  by  them,  whether  directly,  or  through  some 
one  or  more  of  the  Reformers. 

First  we  may  note  that  the  supreme  authority 
of  the  Scriptures  was  asserted  before  the  time  of 
the  Reformation  by  Wy cliff  and  Huss,  but  the 
honor  of  formulating  the  doctrine  for  the 
sixteenth  century  rests  with  Erasmus.  He  fur- 
thermore devoted  much  of  his  time  to  the  study 
of  the  Bible,  and  prepared  an  edition  of  the  Greek 
New  Testament  which  proved  a  weapon  of  great 

[54] 


The  Theological  Sources  of  the  Institutes 

value  to  the  Reformers.  The  authority  of  the 
Scriptures  became  the  objective  principle  of  the 
Reformation,  and  was  reasserted  in  essentially 
the  same  form  by  Lefevre,  Zwingli,  Luther  and 
Calvin.  But  it  was  Luther  who  really  made  it 
a  Protestant  principle  by  offsetting  with  it  the 
authority  of  Pope  and  Church,  when  he  came  in 
open  conflict  with  them,  and  appealed  to  the 
Christian  world  for  sympathy  and  help. 

It  is  likewise  true  that  while  both  Erasmus  and 
Lefevre  had  advocated  the  doctrine  of  justifica- 
tion by  faith,  it  was  Luther  who  actually  placed 
it  before  the  world  and  made  it  a  distinct  tenet  of 
the  Reformation  cause.  The  force  and  power 
with  which  he  did  this  more  effectively  than  the 
others,  rested  not  in  a  better  understanding  of 
the  doctrinal  side  of  the  question,  but  in  the  fact 
of  a  strong  personal  experience  of  the  truth  ex- 
pressed in  the  doctrine.  While  a  monk  in  the 
Augustinian  convent  at  Erfurt,  he  had  been 
greatly  troubled  by  the  sense  of  personal  guilt 
and  his  relief  from  this  burden  had  come  through 
some  hints  from  an  older  monk,  from  the  vicar 
of  the  Augustinian  order  in  Germany,  John  of 
Staupitz,  whO'  was  a  disciple  of  the  mystic 
Tauler,  and  from  a  careful  study  of  the  Epistles 
of  Paul,  whereby  he  had  reached  a  spiritual  state 
of  freedom  and  peace.  His  strong  insistence 
upon  this  doctrine  made  it  the  subjective  prin- 
ciple of  the  Reformation. 

It  was  through  an  order  of  John  of  Staupitz, 

[55] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

that  the  monks  in  the  Augustinian  monasteries 
of  Germany  should  study  the  works  of  their 
patron  saint,  probably,  that  Luther  came  to  have 
a  full  and  direct  knowledge  of  the  theological 
teaching  of  Augustine.  In  addition  to  the 
reverence  that  Luther  felt  for  the  namesake  of 
his  order,  there  was  that  in  the  Latin  Father,  his 
strong  experience  of  Christianity,  and  his  strong 
way  of  putting  doctrines,  that  appealed  to  a  man 
of  Luther's  nature.  After  his  revolt  from  Rome, 
as  well  as  before,  Luther  held  to-  a  strict  Augus- 
tinian theology  of  redemption,  adding  thereto  by 
conviction  and  experience  the  supreme  authority 
O'f  the  Scriptures  and  justification  by  faith.  In 
this  form  Augustinianism  became  an  integral 
part  of  Lutheranism,  and  wherever  Lutheran 
doctrines  were  carried  there  went  also-  the 
Augustinian  evangelism. 

It  was  doubtless  in  this  form  that  Calvin  first 
became  acquainted  with  the  teachings  of  the 
German  Reformation.  Not,  as  we  should  judge 
by  his  own  words,  by  the  reading  of  Luther's 
works,  but  as  ideas  that  became  prevalent  and 
common  all  over  Europe  as  representing  the 
teachings  of  Luther.  But  it  would  seem  that 
Calvin  accepted  the  Lutheran  program  as  a 
whole.  This  is  not  equivalent  tO'  saying  that 
this  was  the  only  source  of  his  Protestantism.  We 
must  keep  in  mind  his  knowledge  of  the  teach- 
ings of  Erasmus,  Lefevre  and  Wolmar  while  he 
was  still  a  student,  and  that  these  men  repre- 

[56] 


The  Theological  Sources  of  the  Institutes 

sented  the  drift  toward  Protestantism,  though 
their  statements  were  not  so  pronounced  as  those 
of  Luther. 

But  the  acceptance  of  Lutheran  Augustinian- 
ism  is  not  the  most  remarkable  thing  in  the  doc- 
trinal resemblance  between  Calvin  and  Luther. 
Calvin  acquiesced  not  only  in  what  Luther  pro- 
jected, but  also  in  what  he  rejected.  Luther 
gave  up  the  worship  of  saints,  the  sacrifice  of  the 
mass,  the  celibacy  of  the  priesthood,  the  doctrine 
of  purgatory,  the  authority  of  Church  and  coun- 
cils, the  claims  of  the  papacy,  communion  in  one 
kind  and  the  five  so-called  sacraments  of  confir- 
mation, penance,  extreme  unction,  ecclesiastical 
orders  and  matrimony.  With  the  least  possible 
variation  this  is  likewise  the  program  of  Calvin, 
and  all  this  appears  in  the  very  first  edition  of  the 
Institutes.  But  even  this  needs  qualification. 
Independently,  Zwingli,  the  Swiss  Reformer,  had 
come  to  very  similar  conclusions.  Protestantism 
was  a  tendency  of  the  times,  in  evidence  all 
through  western  Europe,  originating  before  the 
time  of  Luther  and  Zwingli,  and  only  coming  to 
an  organized  expression  under  them.  Its  lead- 
ing ideas  were  not  the  possession  of  any  one  man 
or  group  of  men. 

We  are  led,  then,  to  ask  the  question.  Does 
Calvin  resemble  Luther  so  strikingly  as  to  pre- 
clude the  influence  of  other  Reformers  upon  his 
thinking  ? 

It  is  easy  to  see  that  Calvin  is  not  in  the  same 

[57] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

class  of  Reformers  as  Erasmus  and  Lefevre. 
Their  Protestantism  was  of  a  milder  type  and 
went  no  further  than  to  plan  a  reform  within  the 
Church.  But  there  are  two  other  Reformers  to 
whom  we  might  look  as  being  in  a  position  to 
strongly  influence  Calvin  —  Zwingli  and  Bucer. 

Zwingli  no  less  than  Luther  insists  on  the 
sovereignty  of  God,  but  on  the  counter  subject 
of  moral  inability  there  is  a  divergence.  While 
he  believes  in  the  depravity  of  man,  and  cites 
many  passages  of  Scripture  in  proof,  commenting 
on  each  one  in  order,  he  does  not  come  to  any 
definite  statement,  nor  does  he  assert  man's  com- 
plete moral  inability.  In  regard  to  the  doctrine 
of  the  Trinity  also,  he  shows  a  divergence.  He 
places  a  great  deal  of  emphasis  on  the  immanence 
oif  God,  and  alsoi  on  the  work  oi  Christ,  but  he 
does  not  treat  extensively  the  subject  of  the  work 
of  the  Holy  Spirit.  He  thus  presents  a  less 
balanced  theory  of  the  Trinity  than  either  Luther 
or  Calvin. 

The  most  notable  difference  is  Zwingli's  doc- 
trine of  the  Lord's  Supper.  With  the  other  Re- 
formers he  denied  the  fact  of  transubstantiation 
of  the  elements.  But  he  goes  much  farther  than 
they.  It  was  to  him  an  observance  in  the  nature 
of  a  commemoration  only.  "The  mass  is  not  a 
sacrament,  but  a  commemoration  of  the  sacrifice 
offered  on  the  cross  once  for  all.'*  * 

"It  is  not  possible  to  demonstrate  from  the 

*  Sixty-seven  Articles.     No.  xviii. 

[58] 


The  Theological  Sources  of  the  InstituPes 

Sacred  Scriptures  that  the  body  and  blood  of 
Christ  essentially  and  corporeally  are  partaken  of 
in  the  bread  and  wine  of  the  Eucharist."  ' 
,  This  is  directly  opposed  to  the  teaching  of 
^''"  Luther,  and  was  the  one  difference  which  pre- 
vented a  union  of  forces  between  the  two 
Reformers.  Luther's  interpretation  of  the  Eucha- 
rist was  given  the  name  of  ''consubstantiation," 
the  idea  being  that  the  real  body  and  blood  of 
Christ  were  present  with  the  bread  and  wine. 

Calvin's  view  of  the  Supper  has  been  called  a 
compromise  between  that  of  Luther  and  that  of 
Zwingli.  It  does  not  seem  such  tO'  the  author. 
Rather  it  is  an  adaptation  of  Luther's.  Calvin 
is  not  satisfied  to  think  that  the  actual  physical 
body  and  blood  of  Jesus  are  partaken  of  by  the 
communicant.  He  insists  that  there  is  a  par- 
taking, but  it  is  a  spiritual  sustenance  that  is 
afforded  the  communicant  in  the  Supper.  This 
is  practically  Luther's  theory  of  consubstantiation 
with  the  substitution  of  the  term  "spiritual"  for 
the  term  "corporeal."  From  the  facts  noted, 
then,  it  would  seem  that,  as  between  Luther  and 
Zwingli,  Calvin  sympathized  more  nearly  with 
Luther  and  showed  much  more  resemblance  to 
him  in  the  form  of  his  religious  thought. 

It  remains  to  speak  of  Calvin's   relation    to 

Bucer,  the  Strasburg  Reformer.    Lang  asserts  in 

his  "Evangelien  Martin  Butzer"  that  the  body  of 

the  Calvinistic  theology  was  derived  from  Bucer. 

-  Ten  Articles  of  Berne.     No.  iv. 

[59] 


The  Essential  Calmnisiii 

If  comparison  were  made  between  Calvin  and 
Bucer  alone  it  would  be  easy  tO'  come  tO'  this  con- 
clusion. But  when  we  consider  the  wealth  of 
theological  material  which  Calvin  had  at  his 
command  and  was  plainly  familiar  with,  —  the 
Scriptures,  on  which  he  wrote  extensive  and 
scholarly  commentaries,  Augustine  and  other 
Church  Fathers,  Erasmus,  Lefevre,  Luther,  Me- 
lancthon  and  Zwingli,  creeds  and  decrees  of 
councils,  it  is  simply  impossible  to  think  that  Cal- 
vin simply  absorbed  his  materials  from  Bucer. 

Even  when  the  first  edition  oi  the  Institutes 
was  published,  it  was  immediately  accepted  as 
greatly  superior  to  all  previous  statements  of  Prot- 
estantism. The  Romanists  styled  it  the  "Koran 
of  the  Heretics."  Now  Calvin  had  not,  so^  far  as 
the  evidence  goes,  been  wath  Bucer  enough  pre- 
vious to  the  publication  of  this  book  tO'  be  greatly 
influenced  by  him.  Indeed,  it  would  appear  that 
the  Institutes  were  well  under  way  before  Calvin 
ever  saw  Bucer.  Further,  we  may  remark  that 
there  is  a  strong  suggestion  of  Luther  in  the 
line  of  thought  followed,  and  the  formal  plan  of 
the  book,  —  the  Commandments,  the  Apostles' 
Creed,  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  the  Sacraments  — 
indicates  that  Calvin  had  before  him  Luther's 
smaller  catechism  which  follows  the  same  form. 
It  is  fair  to  say,  however,  that  this  arrangement 
might  have  been  suggested  by  some  other  writer, 
as  Erasmus,  w^ho'  uses  the  same  subjects  in  his 
"Enchiridion."     But  the  arrangement  taken  to^ 

[60] 


The  Theological  Sources  of  the  Institutes 

gether  with  the  progress  of  the  thought  and  the 
tone  of  the  doctrinal  statements  justify  at  least 
the  suggestion  expressed  above. 

Lang  states  more  particularly  that  he  has  dis- 
covered Bucerian  elements  in  the  edition  of  1539. 
This  may  be  granted.         During  Calvin's  exile 
from  Geneva  he   spent  most  Oif  his  time  with 
Bucer   at    Strasburg.       While   there   he   revised 
the  Institutes.     Naturally  he  would  be  influenced 
somewhat  in  his  doctrinal  statements  by  his  older 
colleague.        For  example  there  appears  in  the 
edition  of  1539  a  treatment  of  the  relation  be- 
tween the  Old  and  New  Testaments.       This  was 
a  subject  that  Bucer  had  written  upon.       Also  a 
definition  of  faith  similar  to  Bucer's  appears  first 
in  this  edition.       Again,  there  is  expressed  the 
idea  of  the  continual  wrestling  of  the  flesh  and 
the  spirit,  and  once  more,  an  emphasis  upon  the 
thought  of  God  working  on  the  heart;  both  of 
which  ideas  were  favorite  themes  with  Bucer.    A 
diligent  search  might  reveal  other  points  of  like- 
ness.     But  this  is  very  far  from  saying  that  Cal- 
vin owes  his  system  of  theology  to  Bucer.     After 
all,  the  evidence  points  the  other  way.       The  ab- 
sence of  these  distinctly  Bucerian  elements  from 
the  first  edition  of  the  Institutes  and  their  pres- 
ence in  the  edition  of  1539  is  unequivocal  evi- 
dence against  Lang's  theory;  for  the  framework 
of  Calvin's  theology  is  to  be  found  in  the  first  edi- 
tion, later  publications  were  simply  enlargements 
of  this.      A  likeness  on  the  subject  of  predestina- 
[61] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

tion  is  easily  explained  by  the  fact  of  a  common 
reference  to  Augustine. 

We  will  do  well  also  to  note  some  differences 
between  Bucer  and  Calvin.  Bucer's  idea  of  the 
work  of  Christ  presents  some  variety.  With  him 
Christ  is  the  declarer  and  fulfiller  of  God's  plan 
of  salvation,  and  is  the  exalted  rather  than  the 
crucified  Saviour;  his  spiritual  work  is  since 
rather  than  before  the  Resurrection.  He  lays 
also  an  unusual  emphasis  on  the  doctrine  of  the 
Holy  Spirit.  Lang  calls  his  theology  for  this 
reason  a  theology  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  Bucer 
declares  that  the  Holy  Spirit  leads  to  knowledge, 
works  regeneration,  and  guides  the  development 
O'f  the  new  life ;  the  whole  spiritual  activity  of  the 
soul  is  thus  referred  to  the  workings  of  the  Spirit. 
In  his  mind  depravity  took  a  more  positive  form 
than  with  Calvin.  It  was  not  so  much  a  moral 
inability  as  an  antagonism  between  man  and  God 
v/hich  could  only  be  removed  by  divine  interven- 
tion. 

Then,  too,  Bucer  shows  a  more  decided  leaning 
toward  Zwingli  than  does  Calvin.  His  presen- 
tation of  the  divine  sovereignty  resembles 
Zwingli's,  while  his  effort  to-  combine  Luther's 
doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper  with  the  com- 
memoration idea  of  Zwingli  reveals  a  sympathy 
for  the  latter  that  is  quite  unmistakable. 

We  may  now  summarize  our  conclusions  as 
follows : 

(i)  The  authorities  named  by  Calvin  in  the 

[62] 


The  Theological  Sources  of  the  Institutes 

Institutes,  the  Scriptures,  Augustine  and  other 
Church  Fathers,  creeds  and  decrees  of  councils, 
are  the  prime  sources  of  his  theology. 

(2)  In  addition  to  this  Calvin  draws  from  his 
fellow  Reformers  such  material  as  he  needs  to 
fill  out  his  system  of  thought.  Erasmus  was 
the  hero  of  his  youth,  and  to  the  impulse  of 
humanism  Calvin  owes  the  high  literary  quality 
of  his  writings  and  his  first  interest  in  the  study 
of  the  Scriptures.  Luther  was,  by  Calvin's  own 
confession,  the  great  hero  of  the  Reformation, 
and  he  follows  him  along  the  line  of  the 
Augustinian  evangelism  and  the  theory  of  justi- 
fication by  faith,  also  in  the  advocacy  of  specific 
reforms. 

But  for  all  this,  Calvinism  is  quite  distinct 
from  Lutheranism  and  was  looked  upon  by 
Lutherans  of  a  later  date  with  suspicion  and 
even  hatred,  and  they  showed  great  hostility  at 
the  incoming  of  Calvinism  into  Germany.  What- 
ever debt,  then,  Calvin  owed  to  Luther  it  is  plain 
that  he  did  not  follow  him  slavishly.  It  would 
be  more  correct  to  say  that  Calvin  took  up  the 
work  at  the  point  to  which  Luther  had  brought  it 
and  continued  it,  being  among  the  Reformers  of 
the  second  generation  what  Luther  had  been 
among  those  of  the  first.  Taking  the  doctrines 
of  the  Reformation  as  he  found  them,  he  first 
proceeded  to  formulate  them;  then  he  added 
some  important  elements  of  his  own  and  built 
all  into  a  compact  structure;  then  he  applied  the 

[63] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

principles  so  arranged  and  stated  to  the  actual 
problems  of  the  time.  The  fact  that  he  so 
treated  this  theological  material  as  to  gain  the 
attention  oi  all  Europe,  and  acquire  for  himself 
among  Protestants  the  title  of  "The  Theologian" 
is  certain  evidence  of  theological  ability. 

Moreover,  we  shall  not  find  the  real  Calvinism 
until  we  subtract  those  elements  which  we  know 
tO'  be  Augustinian  or  Lutheran  in  their  origin 
from  Calvin's  great  body  of  teaching  and  work. 
What  is  left  after  this  subtraction,  —  Calvin's 
own  peculiar  contribution  to  religious  life,  —  will 
then  appear  distinctly.  But  first  we  shall  need 
to  review  the  life  and  character  of  the  man  him- 
self. This  will  be  the  task  of  the  following 
chapter. 


[64] 


CHAPTER  IV 
THE  PERSONAL  EQUATION 


CHAPTER  IV 
THE  PERSONAL  EQUATION 

In  order  to  judge  of  the  work  of  any  man  it  is 
necessary  to  know  the  make-up  of  the  man,  his 
natural  capacities,  his  environment  and  opportu- 
nities. A  sketch  of  these  factors  in  the  life  of 
Calvin  is  especially  in  order. 

I 

A  description  of  the  influences  and  forces  that 
affected  the  character  and  destiny  of  Calvin  be- 
fore he  entered  upon  his  career  as  a  reformer  is 
the  first  thing  that  requires  space. 

The  date  of  Calvin's  conversion  is  under  dis- 
pute, but  it  is  accurate  enough  for  our  purpose 
to  know  that  it  took  place  towards  the  close  of 
his  university  course,  a  time  when  the  Reforma- 
tion was  in  active  progress  in  Germany  and  Switz- 
erland. It  is  in  the  ten  years  previous  to  this 
event  that  we  may  look  for  the  formative  in- 
fluence and  events  of  his  life. 

His  birth  in  1509  was  so  placed  that  the  news 
of  the  Reform  agitation  came  to  his  knowledge  at 
the  beginning  of  his  education,  while  as  yet  he 
was  not  expected  to  form  definite  conclusions 
upon  such  matters.  We  have  no  reason  to  think 
that,  during  the  first  of  his  university  life,  he 

[67] 


The  Bssential  Calvinism 

showed  any  sympathy  for  the  Reformed  doctrines 
as  proclaimed  by  Luther ;  but  they  could  not  have 
escaped  the  attention  of  so  observant  and  thought- 
ful a  man  as  Calvin,  even  in  his  youth.  The 
situation  of  Noyon,  his  native  tov^n,  on  the 
northern  border  of  France  would  at  least  ensure 
this.  We  may  note  the  fact  also,  that  all  over 
western  Europe  this  was  a  time  of  doubt  and 
questioning,  of  revolt  against  enslaving  tradition 
and  of  urgent  demands  for  reform.  This  fact 
must  have  been  known  and  appreciated  by  the 
young  student. 

Gerard  Calvin,  father  of  John,  was  a  man  con- 
siderably above  the  ordinary,  though  not  of  noble 
birth.  His  business  abilities  were  such  that  they 
were  in  demand  in  the  service  of  the  Church.  His 
interest  in  his  son,  who  early  showed  remarkable 
powers  of  mind,  was  one  of  the  important  ele- 
ments in  the  early  life  of  the  Reformer.  Taking 
advantage  of  his  social  position,  he  obtained  for 
his  son  the  very  best  educational  advantages.  The 
plan  was  at  first  that  he  should  enter  the  service 
of  the  Church.  This  secured  to  him  a  theological 
training.  But  in  the  midst  of  his  university 
course  it  was  decided  that  he  should  become  a 
lawyer.  So  he  received  also  a  legal  training. 
From  his  Oiwn  desire  he  entered  into 
the  study  of  the  humanities.  He  became  a 
humanist,  a  follower  of  Erasmus.  Theology, 
law,  humanism;  of  these  three  wisdoms  Calvin 
absorbed  much,  of  these  he  was  to  be  a  teacher, 
[68] 


The  Persofial  Bquation 

out  of  them  he  was  to  build  a  magnificent  career. 

One  more  thing  of  great  value  came  to  him  in 
his  later  student  life,  an  enthusiasm  for  the  study 
of  the  Bible.  While  at  the  University  of  Bourges 
he  made  a  thorough  study  of  the  New  Testament 
Greek  under  the  renowned  scholar,  Melchior 
Wolmar.  This,  too,  was  to  be  an  essential  part  of 
his  equipment  as  a  Reformer. 

There  were  three  universities  among  which 
Calvin  divided  his  time,  Paris,  Orleans,  Bourges. 
Each  one  of  these  possessed  teachers  of  excep- 
tional worth  and  great  learning,  the  effect  of 
whose  instruction  on  the  young  scholar  it  is  not 
difficult  to  trace.  Through  this  elaborate  in- 
struction, through  faithful  study,  through  con- 
tact with  the  better  class  of  the  young  men  of 
France,  he  came  to  possess  a  well-rounded  culture 
which  places  him  with  the  best  scholars  of 
Europe. 

It  would  seem,  then,  that  it  was  by  no  accident 
that  Calvin  thus  early  in  life  received  so  great  a 
variety  of  instruction,  gained  sO'  broad  a  culture 
and  so  wide  an  experience  of  men.  If  we  take 
all  this  into  consideration,  it  may  not  seem  so 
strange  that,  when  he  came  before  the  public  with 
his  first  theological  work,  there  was  presented 
therein  a  complete  exposition  of  Biblical  Chris- 
tianity. Granted  his  mental  strength,  the  prep- 
aration for  such  an  achievement  had  been 
adequate.  Likewise  his  later  success  as  a  Re- 
former we  find  to  have  been  grounded  in  these 

[69] 


The  Bssential  Calvinism 

years  of  study,  when  with  no  reaHzation  of  his 
future  career,  he  nevertheless  prepared  himself 
for  it  by  faithful  work  in  those  branches  of  study 
which  he  found  it  his  duty  to  pursue. 

II 

Calvin  has  been  described  in  all  degrees  of 
being  from  that  of  a  despotic  sensualist  to  that  of 
a  demigod.  He  has  suffered  from  slander;  he 
has  suffered  from  praise.  Friend  and  foe  alike 
have  made  him  out  to  be  what  he  was  not.  His 
character  is  still  a  matter  of  controversy,  but  it 
is  clearly  just  tO'  say  of  him  that  like  other  men 
he  was  faulty,  but  also  that  he  was  freer  than 
most  men  from  grossness  of  life. 

His  most  prominent  characteristic  was  intel- 
lectuality. There  is  ample  proof  of  this.  If  all 
we  knew  of  him  were  the  books  he  has  written, 
the  very  immensity  of  the  mental  work  required 
to  produce  them  would  assure  us  of  this.  The 
critical  and  constructive  powers  revealed  in  them 
evidence  as  well  the  high  quality  of  his  thinking. 
From  the  words  of  his  contem.poraries  we  learn 
also  that  his  mental  labors  were  intense  and 
protracted,  and  were  often  carried  on  at 
the  expense  of  his  health.  He  was  intel- 
lectual to  a  fault. 

Another  prominent  trait  was  practicality.  His 
words  and  deeds  were  always  for  a  definite  pur- 
pose. His  most  rhetorical  sentences  have  an 
evident  point.       His  actions  are  expressions  of 

[70] 


The  Personal  Equation 

thought  and  aim.  He  showed  an  unusual  capac- 
ity for  meeting  all  the  needs  of  administration, 
both  in  ecclesiastical  and  civil  affairs,  and  also  in 
the  guidance  of  the  larger  reformation  in  the 
neighboring  countries.  His  advice  was  often 
sought,  not  only  by  the  government  of  Geneva, 
but  also  by  the  officials  of  other  nations  and 
by  other  leaders  in  political  and  religious  life. 
It  was  sought,  not  because  he  had  attained 
to  prominence  as  a  Reformer,  but  because  he 
was  able  to  present  something  of  practical 
worth. 

He  was  practical  to  the  exclusion  of  the  senti- 
mental, the  esthetic.  Few  words  does  he  offer 
expressive  of  the  beauties  of  nature  or  of  art. 
The  idyllic  scenery  of  France,  the  grandeur  of  the 
Alps,  the  striking  beauty  of  Lake  Leman,  the 
loveliness  of  flower  and  field  and  forest  seem  to 
pass  unnoticed  by  this  man  of  affairs.  Granted 
it  was  so.  It  was  enough  that  he  raised  the  bare 
walls  of  the  church  of  the  Reformed.  To^  others 
be  could  leave  the  fresco,  the  stained  window,  the 
organ  loft,  the  arch  and  spire. 

Still  another  quality  was  faithfulness.  This 
he  showed  even  in  his  youth.  While  at  the  uni- 
versities, it  is  said,  he  often  studied  far  into  the 
night,  and  lay  awake  after  he  had  retired  think- 
ing over  the  lessons  learned  during  the  day.  The 
same  quality  was  manifest  during  his  later  work. 
A  steadfast  devotion  to  the  cause  he  had  chosen 
to  sustain  marked  even  the  last  hours  of  his  life. 

[71] 


The  Bsscntial  Calvinism 

The  French  people  are  often  described  as  facile 
and  changeable,  but  though  Calvin  was  a  French- 
man such  words  are  unthinkable  of  him.  When 
we  recall  that  the  last  edition  of  his  Institutes 
was  the  same  in  essence  as  the  first,  we  are  almost 
inclined  to  w^ish  that  he  might  have  changed  a 
little. 

Calvin  was  of  a  retiring  disposition.  He  him- 
self laments  his  natural  timidity.  The  leadership 
of  the  Geneva  Reformation  was  thrust  upon  him 
almost  against  his  will;  he  preferred  the  quieter 
work  of  teacher  and  writer.  But  once  feeling 
it  tO'  be  his  duty,  1)elieving  that  it  was  the  Vsall 
of  God  that  he  should  undertake  this  work,  his 
natural  fear  fulness  is  overruled  by  his  faith  in 
the  Master's  grace.  He  then  shows  a  wonderful 
gift  of  public  leadership  and  often  reveals  a  fear- 
less spirit. 

The  most  common  criticism  that  has  been 
made  of  Calvin,  is  that  he  was  devoid  of  affection, 
cold,  cruel.  There  is  an  appearance  of  truth  in 
this  charge,  but  the  latter  historians  defend  him 
from  the  harshness  of  it  and  bring  forth  good 
evidence  in  support  of  their  statements.  An  ex- 
amination of  Calvin's  correspondence  furnishes 
contradiction  to*  the  charge  of  unfriendliness.  He 
clings  tO'  the  friends  of  his  youth,  and  writes  to 
them  in  words  that  are  expressive  of  the  closest 
intimacy,  almost  fond,  endearing.  Likewise  the 
personal  affection  shown  him  by  such  men  as 
Viret,    Farel,    Beza,    Melancthon,    bears  witness 

[72] 


The  Personal  Equation 

that  his  was  no  unresponsive  nature.  Indeed  it 
would  seem  that  this  personal  element  of  devo- 
tion was  one  of  the  great  forces  by  which  he 
gained  such  an  ascendancy  over  the  lives  of  his 
followers. 

The  question  of  cruelty  is  a  more  serious  one. 
The  death  of  Servetus  through  the  agency  of  /, 
Calvin  is  an  indelible  blot  on  an  otherwise  fair 
escutcheon.  We  cannot  justify  this  thing  in  the 
light  of  the  gospel.  In  this  Calvin  stands  con- 
demned. But  it  is  just  to  say,  that  while  he  de- 
sired the  execution,  he  believed  that  he  was  doing 
God  service.  We  may  record  to  his  credit  also 
that  he  was  opposed  tO'  the  burning  at  the  stake. 
Nor  was  he  alone  in  upholding  the  death  penalty 
for  violent  heretics.  All  the  other  men  of  his 
generation  believed  with  him.  Even  the  mild 
Melancthon  approved  of  the  death  of  Servetus. 

We  attempt  to  describe  men  by  relating  their 
qualities.  This  seems  not  enough.  We  must 
know  them  as  complete  personalities.  If  we  are 
to  understand  the  character  of  Calvin  we  must 
clothe  these  qualities  with  personality  and  unite 
them  into  manhood.  Then  our  minds  may  pic- 
ture this  striking  figure  of  the  great  apostle  of 
the  Reformation,  smiting  with  the  hammer  of 
gospel  truth  the  rotten  framework  of  an  effete 
religion,  and  fashioning  anew  the  structure  of  an 
independent  church. 


[73] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

III 

It  seems  almost  impossible  that  a  single  man 
could  have  written  all  the  books  that  bear  Cal- 
vin's name,  and  maintain  through  them  all  a 
high  standard  of  thinking  and  literary  art.  If 
the  study  of  Calvin  should  by  any  strange 
chance  became  popular,  as  in  the  case  of  Shakes- 
peare, we  might  almost  expect  another  Baconian 
theory  to  account  for  this  great  literary  output. 
And  yet  this  was  only  a  part  of  the  Reformer's 
work. 

His  theological  work,  notably  the  Institutes, 
was  of  such  a  character  as  to  win  from  the 
leaders  of  the  German  Reformation  the  title  of 
"The  Theologian,"  and  in  view  of  the  influence 
which  his  system  has  had  in  the  Protestant 
churches  generally,  the  title  does  not  seem  ill- 
deserved.  In  method,  in  clearness  of  statement, 
in  comprehensiveness,  his  theological  work  was 
superior  to  all  others  of  his  time. 

But  the  name  ''Theologian,"  even  though  de- 
served, fails  to  describe  all  the  valuable  work  of 
Calvin.  As  a  polemical  writer  he  was  most 
forceful.  The  letter  to^  Sadoletus,  changing  as  it 
did  the  history  of  Geneva,  was  enough  of  itself 
to  warrant  this  assertion.  The  address  to  Francis 
I,  found  in  the  Institutes,  is  just  as  remark- 
able, while  his  tracts  on  Reformation  subjects 
and  his  "Antidotes"  to  the  decrees  of  the  Council 
of  Trent  and  tO'  the  articles  of  the  Sorbonne  are 
splendid  specimens  of  polemical  writing. 

[74] 


The  Personal  Equation 

In  the  sphere  of  Bible  commentary  Calvin's 
work  is  of  the  best.  Spurgeon  called  him  "The 
Prince  of  Commentators."  If  a  great  preacher 
of  the  nineteenth  century  had  so  high  an  estimate 
of  his  work,  it  must  have  been  strikingly  prom- 
inent in  the  sixteenth. 

The  literary  quality  that  appears  in  all  of  Cal- 
vin's writings,  calls  to  mind  the  fact  that  he  began 
his  career  as  a  humanist  by  the  publication 
of  a  commentary  on  Seneca's  "De  Clementia." 
This  side  oi  his  culture  is  not  often  realized, 
but  perhaps  no  part  of  his  university  training 
shows  more  plainly  in  his  writings  than  this. 
Calvin  was  also  a  teacher.  In  the  Academy  at 
Geneva  he  spent  much  time  in  giving  instruction. 
He  was  a  preacher,  too,  and  nearly  every  Sunday, 
and  sometimes  on  week  days,  he  preached  in  one 
of  the  churches  of  the  city.  Still  further  he  was 
a  statesman.  It  was  he  that  suggested  the  policy 
of  the  government.  It  was  he  who  formulated 
the  laws  of  the  republic.  It  was  under  the  in- 
fluence of  his  ideals  that  the  whole  administra- 
tion of  public  affairs  was  carried  on.  In  addition 
to  these  home  duties  he  had  more  or  less  super- 
vision over  the  churches  of  his  communion  in 
other  countries.  Geneva  became  the  center  of  a 
great  religious  community  with  Calvin  as  its 
chief.  So  varied  and  many-sided  was  the  work 
of  this  man. 

We   may   not   in   estimating  the   work   done 
be  satisfied  with  the  title  of  "Theologian,"  or 
[75] 


The  Bssential  Calvinism 

"Prince     of     Commentators."  These     with 

"Teacher,"  "Preacher,"  "Humanist,"  "States- 
man," fail  of  complete  description.  But  there  is 
one  reality  that  is  present  in  all  Calvin's  work. 
There  is  one  purpose  that  rules  it  all.  There  is 
one  thought  that  reconciles  all  the  diverse  ele- 
ments of  a  varied  activity — the  reformation  of 
the  Church  of  Christ.  Calvin  was  the  great 
apostle  in  modern  times  of  a  new  order  of  human 
society  based  upon  a  fresh  interpretation  of  the 
truth  revealed  in  the  Scriptures. 


[76] 


CHAPTER  V 
APPLIED  CALVINISM 


CHAPTER  V 
APPLIED  CALVINISM 

The  conception  of  Calvin  as  merely  a 
theologian,  or  indeed  as  chiefly  a  theologian, 
leads  to  empty  results.  For  with  such  an  idea 
those  who  attempt  to  follow  him  are  led  into  a 
formal  Calvinism,  while  his  opponents  are  able 
to  say  with  seeming  justice  that  he  merely  re- 
stated doctrines  already  promulgated.  Both  fail 
to  understand  what  the  Reformer  really  accom- 
plished. The  field  of  his  original  achievements 
is  shut  from  their  view. 

We  set  forth,  then,  the  proposition  that  Calvin's 
originality  is  revealed  most  in  realms  essentially 
distinct  from  doctrinal  theology,  and  that  it  finds 
expression  therein  only  incidentally  through  his 
interest  in  and  devotion  to  the  Reform  movement. 
What  Calvin  would  have  been  without  the  im- 
petus of  the  Reformation,  may  be  judged  by  the 
character  of  his  commentary  on  Seneca's 
"De  Clementia,"  and  by  his  natural  devotion  to 
legal  studies,  in  which  he  was  most  proficient, 
often  occupying  the  professor's  chair  while  still 
classed  as  a  student.  We  find  here,  not  the 
churchman,  but  the  humanist ;  not  the  theologian, 
but  the  jurist.  Under  the  impulse  of  the  motives 
here  discovered  there  could  have  been  no  Re- 

[79] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

former.  John  Calvin  would  have  been  known  to 
us  as  the  great  humanist,  jurist,  statesman  of  six- 
teenth century  Europe,  the  friend  of  kings  and 
princes,  their  learned  counsellor,  the  advocate  oi 
conservative  political  progress,  the  devotee  of 
letters.  That  this  was  not  so,  that  he  is  known 
to  us  as  the  great  Genevan  Reformer,  is  due  not 
to  the  natural  inclination  of  his  genius,  but  is 
one  of  those  striking  accidents  of  history  which 
we  can  explain  only  by  attributing  it  to-  the  provi- 
dence of  God. 

Further,  we  set  forth  the  proposition  that  the 
original  work  of  Calvin  was  that  of  construction. 
The  materials  at  hand  were  classified,  arranged, 
and  formed  into  a  compact  whole,  the  organized 
Reformation,  a  reconstruction  affecting  every  de- 
partment of  life  and  altering  the  current 
of  modern  history. 

The  Reformation  shows  progressively  three 
stages :  ( I )  The  awakening  of  religious  thought, 
which  was  characteristic  of  the  movement  before 
the  time  of  Luther;  (2)  a  moral  awakening,  in 
which  Luther  was  the  prime  mover,  and  in  which 
there  was  a  demand  for  active  reform  of  abuses 
in  the  churches;  (3)  an  attempt  at  reconstruc- 
tion, as  in  the  latter  part  of  the  Lutheran 
Reformation,  but  more  especially  in  subsequent 
developments  in  Geneva,  France,  the  Netherlands 
and  Great  Britain. 

The  work  of  Calvin  was  principally  in  the  third 
of  these  stages.       This  was  his  special  field  of 

[80] 


Applied  Calvinism 

effort,    and    one    for    which    he    was    especially 
adapted. 

The  term  Calvinism  has  become  the  symbol  of 
conservatism,  and  has  historically  been  applied 
to  the  theology  of  the  more  conservative 
churches.  On  account  of  this,  people  fail  to  see 
that  Calvin  was  by  nature  and  work  a  radical.  It 
might  even  seem  preposterous  to  make  such  a 
claim,  but  it  is  nevertheless  true.  The  people 
of  Calvin's  own  time  realized  it.  His  friends 
praised  him  for  the  wisdom  of  the  changes  which 
he  introduced,  and  his  enemies  cursed  him  as  an 
innovator,  the  arch-enemy  of  traditional  religion, 
an  iconoclast.  And  what  his  enemies  said  was 
essentially  true,  but  was  only  a  part  of  the  truth ; 
they  took  no  account  of  the  other  side  of  the  case, 
i.e.,  that  the  ruins  of  old  things  were  cleared  away 
only  for  the  purpose  of  making  way  for  a  new 
and  better  structure. 

There  has  always  been  a  tendency  to  identify 
the  Reformation  with  a  certain  set  of  theological 
dogmas.  No  greater  mistake  could  possibly  be 
made.  The  Augustinian  evangelism  had  only  an 
incidental  connection  with  the  movement,  through 
being  the  most  available  form  of  evangelism.  But 
any  other  form  of  evangelism  that  took  into  ac- 
count man's  dependence  on  divine  help  in  order 
to  be  saved  would  have  answered  as  well  or 
better,  provided  it  had  no  peculiar  feature  to 
arouse  controversy.  A  man  might  be  a  good 
Catholic  and  hold  the  Augustinian  theology,  or 
[8i] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

on  the  other  hand  a  Protestant  might  follow 
Melancthon  in  his  trend  away  from  strict 
Augiistinianism  and  lose  none  of  the  spirit  of  the 
Reformation. 

The  real  Reformation  after  all  had  little  to  do 
with  mere  doctrine.  It  was  concerned  with  life, 
and  active  faith,  and  spiritual  and  moral  better- 
ment. It  was  a  revolt  against  an  effete  order 
of  society  and  an  earnest  effort  toward  a  new  and 
improved  order. 

When  Luther  nailed  his  famous  theses  on  the 
door  of  the  Castle  church  at  Wittenberg,  he  was 
concerned  not  with  correcting  doctrinal  state- 
ments, but  with  the  flagrant  abuses  which  had 
crept  into  church  life,  and  the  prime  effort  of  all 
the  leaders  of  the  Reformation  was  to  bring  about 
a  better  religious  condition  among  the  people. 

Calvin  was  in  the  forefront  of  this  movement, 
realizing  far  better  than  Luther  the  real  drift  of 
the  social  and  moral  changes  then  taking  place, 
and  while  he  put  much  time  and  effort  into  doc- 
trinal statement,  his  main  purpose  was  to  give 
expression  and  direction  to  the  new  forces  that 
had  come  to  birth  in  the  Reformation. 

We  have  already  noted  in  another  chapter  three 
of  Calvin's  contributions  in  the  field  of  theology — 
the  conception  of  God  as  the  All-active  One,  the 
assertion  of  the  practical  value  of  man's  religious 
consciousness  and  a  sensible  and  comprehensive 
interpretation  of  the  Christian  life.  Now  we 
may  consider  the  nature  of  Calvin's  attempt  to 

[82] 


Applied  Calvinism 

put  in  force  his  ideals  of  social  and  religious  life. 
This  effort  on  his  part  aimed  at  nothing  less  than 
the  complete  reconstruction  of  all  departments  of 
society,  according  to  principles  founded  on  the 
truth  revealed  in  the  Scriptures.  His  constructive 
genius  shows  itself  along  four  lines  and  gives 
system  and  motive  to  theology,  to  preaching,  to 
church  organization  and  to  civil  government. 

I 

We  choose  the  term  "Biblicism"  to  describe 
Calvin's  principle  of  theologic  construction. 
Though,  as  we  have  seen,  the  subject  matter  of 
his  theology  is  largely  the  result  of  collation,  we 
are  not  therefore  to  conclude  that  the  Institutes 
show  no  sign  of  originality.  To  assert  this 
would  be  to  belittle  one  of  the  great  forces  of  the 
Reformation.  Rather  we  may  say  that  no  one 
book  of  this  period  did  so  much  to  establish  the 
work  of  reform  as  did  the  Institutes.  Immedi- 
ately after  the  publication  of  this  book,  the 
author,  then  a  young  man  only  twenty-six  years 
of  age,  sprang  into  prominence  as  one  of  the  chief 
Reformers.  Protestants  and  Romanists  alike 
realized  the  significance  of  the  event.  Yet  as  we 
compare  it  with  the  teachings  of  the  other 
Reformers  we  find  but  little  that  had  not  already 
been  promulgated.  In  what,  then,  lay  its 
strength  ? 

Orderliness,     comprehensiveness,     conciseness, 
proportion    made    the    Institutes     a    masterful 
[83] 


The  Mssential  Calvinism 

achievement.  Amid  the  chaos  of  doctrinal  con- 
troversy, where  fundamentals  are  so  easily  ob- 
scured, the  mind  of  Calvin  comprehended  the  full 
reach  of  the  progressive  thought  of  the  time, 
gave  it  a  consistent  and  unified  expression,  and 
placed  it  before  the  world  in  a  brief  and  readable 
form. 

But  if  this  were  all  that  we  could  say,  the  wide- 
spread influence  that  was  exerted  would  still  be 
imperfectly  explained.  Method  however  pure, 
system  however  complete,  cannot  show  why  so 
great  an  effect  was  produced  by  Calvinism  upon 
all  classes  of  people.  There  was  resident  in 
Calvin's  theological  writing  a  vital  energy  which 
wrought  most  astonishing  results.  After  all,  the 
system  was  but  the  evidence  of  something  greater. 
Calvin  had  the  capacity,  almost  prophetic,  to  per- 
ceive and  give  expression  to  fundamental  prin- 
ciples in  deeds  as  well  as  in  words.  This  capacity 
is  revealed  in  the  Institutes.  It  is  not  as  we  ex- 
amine the  book  page  by  page,  or  study  its  method 
and  system  that  we  come  tO'  understand  its  great- 
ness, but  only  as  we  can  see  it  to  be  as  a  whole 
the  expression  of  a  great  thought.  Luther  at  the 
Diet  of  Worms  took  his  stand  firmly  on  the 
authority  of  the  Scriptures.  We  cannot,  there- 
fore, say  that  this  conception  is  original  with 
Calvin,  but  he  saw  more  clearly  than  anyone  else 
the  fundamental  principle  of  Luther's  position. 
Luther  used  the  Bible  negatively  as  a  means  of 
defence,  a  place  of  refuge.     In  addition  to  this, 

[84] 


Applied  Calvinism 

Calvin  makes  it  a  source  of  construction,  a  base 
of  supplies,  an  invading  force.  It  is  this  that  ex- 
plains the  penetrating  power  of  Calvin's  teaching. 
His  books  and  in  particular  the  Institutes  found 
their  way  all  over  Europe.  They  were  almost 
literally  an  invading  army.  Everywhere  they 
had  to  be  treated  with,  they  could  not  be  ignored. 
They  must  be  forcibly  excluded  or  surrendered  to 
as  a  conquering  power.  Even  the  peculiarly 
individual  character  of  the  Lutheran  Reformation 
was  not  forceful  enough  to  prevent  an  avowed 
devotion  to  Calvin  in  some  parts  of  Germany. 

The  use  of  the  Bible  as  final  authority 
in  religion  was  a  common  characteristic  of  the 
Reformers  of  all  classes;  the  usages  of  the 
churches  must  not  conflict  with  the  Scriptures; 
abuses  must  be  corrected  according  to  their  teach- 
ing. Calvin's  use  of  the  Bible  goes  further.  For 
him  it  contains  the  foundation  principles  of  human 
society,  the  law  and  will  of  God  for  men.  With 
his  powerful  mind  he  tries  to  grasp  these  prin- 
ciples, to  bring  them  to  expression,  and  to  apply 
them  to  the  solution  of  moral  and  social  problems 
as  they  confronted  him  in  Geneva  and  western 
Europe.  And  with  what  success  history  tells.  His 
power  to  use  the  Bible  in  this  way  gave  him  un- 
told influence  in  modern  history. 

Before  this  time  there  had  been  many  things 
that  claimed  authority  along  with  the  Bible.  The 
writings  of  Church  Fathers,  the  ancient  creeds, 
the  decrees  of  councils,  the  bulls  of  the  popes,  the 

[85] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

philosophy  of  Aristotle,  the  scholastic  tradition, 
the  priesthood,  all  came  in  to  limit  the  sphere  of 
the  Bible.  All  these  things  Calvin  leaves  to  one 
side,  not  as  one  who  is  ignorant,  or  indifferent, 
but  as  one  who  through  the  inclusiveness  of  his 
view  is  able  to  perceive  the  proper  perspective, 
and  place  the  Scriptures  in  the  central  ground  of 
religious  authority.  The  Bible  is  not  merely  the 
standard,  it  is  the  source  of  truth. 

The  Institutes  were  the  product  of  a  scholar; 
they  were  read  chiefly  by  scholars.  In  themselves 
they  did  not  come  before  the  common  people.  Yet 
not  only  scholars  but  merchants,  artisans,  ordi- 
nary workmen  became  Calvinists.  Among  these, 
system  of  thought  was  not  a  thing  of  great  im- 
portance. It  did  not  reach  them  nor  concern 
them.  However,  the  same  principle  that 
actuated  the  writer  of  the  Institutes  actuated 
them  also.  The  Bible  became  for  them  the  sum 
total  of  all  good  thoughts,  of  all  true  and  comfort- 
ing doctrine;  it  was  the  revealed  will  of  God. 
They  did  not  read  the  Institutes,  but  in  the  same 
spirit  they  read  the  Bible,  and  in  language  less 
pure,  perhaps,  but  none  the  less  vigorous,  they 
set  forth  the  plain  teaching  of  the  gospel.  This 
devotion  to  the  Bible  and  the  exposition  of  its 
doctrine  directly  is  specially  characteristic  oi 
Calvinists.  The  spirit  of  Biblicism  reigns  in 
them.  A  Calvinist  without  his  Bible  is  unthink- 
able. 

The  service  of  the  German  Reformers  in  giving 
[86] 


Applied  Calvinism 

the  Bible  to  the  common  people,  and  in  render- 
ing the  worship  of  God  in  the  vernacular,  was 
of  inestimable  value.  Likewise  the  work  of 
Calvin  in  making  the  Bible  in  the  hands  of  the 
people  a  constructive  social  and  religious  force, 
was  a  supplemental  work  of  no  less  value.  The 
modern  Protestant  is  often  displeased  at  the  way 
in  which  the  leader  of  the  German  Reformation 
clung  to  many  of  the  features  of  the  Roman 
Church,  giving  up  very  reluctantly,  article  by 
article,  the  ways  of  medievalism.  Calvin's  prin- 
ciple, of  building  all  from  the  Word  of  God,  con- 
trasts his  Reformatory  work  very  sharply  with 
that  of  Luther,  and  gives  a  distinct  character  to 
the  nations  and  churches  that  have  most  yielded 
to  his  influence. 

II 

Another  feature  of  the  vital  Calvinism  of  the 
Reformation  we  may  describe  by  the  term 
"Evangelism."  The  word  should  not  be  limited 
to  the  sense  so  often  given  it  in  these  later  times, 
when  attempts  are  made  to  force  a  revival  of 
religious  interest.  It  has  a  wider  significance. 
On  its  theoretic  side  it  is  that  view  of  Christian 
experience  in  which  man  is  lost  in  himself 
through  sin,  and  saved  by  the  grace  of  God  alone. 
This  is  characteristic  of  Augustinianism  as  op- 
posed to  Pelagianism  and  semi-Pelagianism.  In 
this  form  it  came  to  Calvin  from  the  ancient  the- 
ologian.      He  made  the  most  possible  of  it.      It 

[87] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

is  in  his  theology  in  a  very  strict  form.  It  is  an 
integral  part  of  his  system.  Further,  evangelism 
is  not  merely  a  soteriological  theory,  it  is  also  the 
principle  applied,  it  is  the  proclamation  of  the 
message  and  as  well  its  effect  on  the  hearer, 
especially  if  such  hearing  lead  to  salvation.  Was 
there  this  full  evangelism  in  the  life  of  Calvinism? 
Eminently  so-.  This  does  not  appear  in  the 
common  thought  upon  the  subject  though  it  is  not 
unnoticed  by  the  historian.  This  is  easily  ac- 
counted for.  The  external  features  of  Calvinism 
have  been  so  accentuated  in  sermon  and  creed, 
that  the  experimental  side  of  the  movement 
passes  easily  unseen.  Yet  to  the  careful  his- 
torian of  this  period,  this  evangelistic  activity 
appears  as  a  most  essential  characteristic  of 
the  Reformation  conducted  under  Genevan 
auspices. 

Calvin  himself  was  a  most  devotional  man, 
fully  consecrated  to  the  service  of  Christ  and  in- 
tensely interested  in  Christ's  redeeming  of  others. 
This  spirit  was  caught  by  his  followers,  whether 
they  had  listened  to  him  in  person,  or  had  read 
his  works,  or  had  been  influenced  indirectly  by 
others.  Calvin  had  a  son,  an  only  child  who  died 
in  infancy.  Writing  of  his  sorrow  to  an  old 
friend,  he  expresses  himself  as  being  comforted 
by  the  thought  of  his  many  children  in  the  faith 
who  looked  to  him  as  their  spiritual  father.  This 
was  no  poetic  fancy  but  a  most  vigorous  reality. 
There  were  very  many  even  in  distant  places  who 
[88] 


Applied  Calvinism 

revered  Calvin  and  looked  to  him  for  spiritual 
guidance.  Thousands  of  men  inspirited  by  him  set 
forth  with  their  gospel  message,  scattering  every- 
where tracts  from  his  pen,  copies  of  the  Bible, 
catechisms,  sermons;  braving  danger  and  death 
that  they  might  make  known  the  tidings  of  the 
cross.  This  devotion  was  the  expression  of  faith 
in  a  personal  Redeemer.  They  were  His  chosen 
ones ;  they  sought  to  do  His  will  and  were  ready 
to  follow  in  the  path  He  trod. 

When  one  recalls  the  Calvinistic  sermon  of 
tradition,  scholastic  in  form,  dogmatic,  often  ab- 
struse, it  is  difficult  to  connect  it  with  the  straight- 
forward, fiery  preaching  of  the  French  and  Dutch 
evangelists  of  Calvinistic  impulse.  The  materials 
for  these  discourses  did  not  consist  in  large 
measure  of  accusations  against  the  papacy.  They 
were  chiefly  expository  sermons.  The  people 
thirsted  for  the  Bible  and  for  its  plain  interpreta- 
tion, and  made  extraordinary  efforts  to  attend  the 
services  of  the  Protestant  preachers,  and,  many  as 
these  were,  there  were  not  enough  to  supply  the 
demand.  When,  therefore,  an  evangelist  came 
into  a  neighborhood,  people  from  far  and  near 
flocked  to  hear  him.  Often  several  thousands 
were  gathered  together.  In  some  little  hall,  a 
private  house,  or,  most  characteristically,  in  some 
field  outside  the  limits  of  the  town,  the  meeting 
took  place.  After  the  singing  of  a  psalm,  the 
preacher  mounted  a  platform  and  read  from  the 
Scriptures.       Then  followed  the  sermon.       For 

[89] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

hours  often  the  exposition  continued,  and  even 
then  the  people  went  away  still  hungering  for  the 
Word.  Such  was  the  evangelism  inspired  by  the 
leader  of  the  Genevan  Reformation.  It  was,  and 
is,  a  thing  peculiar  to  Calvinistic  and  related 
churches.  In  its  objective  realization  it  was  a 
part  oif  Calvin's  work.  The  thought  is  perhaps 
another's ;  the  vitalizing  of  the  thought,  the  incar- 
nating of  the  truth,  the  organization  of  spiritual 
forces  belongs  to  the  original  work  of  John 
Calvin,    i 

Besides  this  immediate  message  of  evangelism, 
it  was  given  another  form  in  the  work  of  the 
Genevan  schools.  These  were  a  supplement  to 
the  church.  Calvin  had  been  a  humanist.  His 
devotion  to  Christ  and  the  Reformation  moved 
him  to  give  the  benefits  of  knowledge  to  others. 
Much  of  his  time  and  strength  was  given  to^  the 
founding  and  maintaining  a  system  of  schools  for 
the  republic.  The  Academy,  established  by  his 
educational  policy,  became  famous  in  teachers  and 
pupils.  Calvin  himself  was  one  of  the  instructors. 
Others  who  had  received  an  education  in  the  great 
French  universities  were  invited  to  share  in  the 
work.  It  became  the  great  educational  center  of 
Protestantism.  Here  it  was  that  the  beginnings 
of  Scotch  and  English  Calvinism  were  made. 
Many  of  those  exiled  under  Queen  Mary  found 
a  refuge  at  Geneva,  and  took  advantage  of  their 
sojourn  there  to  learn  from  Calvin  the  principles 
of  his  teaching  and  refoon.     In  better  days  they 

[90] 


Applied  Calvinism 

returned  to  their  native  land  to  apply  the  lessons 
learned  here. 

Of  as  great  importance  were  the  common 
schools  of  Geneva.  They  were  most  effective  in 
raising  the  standard  of  life  and  morals  among  the 
once  licentious  and  uncultured  Genevese.  Note- 
worthy is  the  idea  that  lay  back  of  this  policy. 
The  child  should  be  prepared  to  read  the  Bible  for 
himself,  to  read  also  other  books  of  a  helpful  kind, 
and  be  fitted  for  good  service  as  a  citizen.  This 
latter  purpose  was  prominent  in  the  thought  of  the 
Reformer.  He  often  betrays  in  his  writings  a  dis- 
trust of  popular  sovereignty.  Considering  the 
stormy  scenes  that  were  enacted  in  the  city  of  his 
adoption,  which  once  meant  exile  and  at  other 
times  threatened  it,  or  even  something  worse,  this 
fact  is  not  surprising.  We  must  admit  that 
nothing  could  be  stable  in  public  life  when  an 
uneducated  people  possesses  the  sovereignty. 
Wisely,  then,  was  the  foundation  laid  for  the  fu- 
ture greatness  of  Geneva,  when  its  educational 
laws  required  the  children  of  the  city  to  be  edu- 
cated for  citizenship  and  for  the  service  of  Christ. 

It  was,  then,  an  evangelistic  purpose  that  gave 
rise  to  this  educational  movement.  It  was  the 
same  purpose  that  gave  rise  to  the  early  New 
England  schools  and  which  still  leads  on  to  the 
establishment  of  openly  Christian  academies  and 
colleges.  Education  to  the  Calvinist  is  of  little 
worth  if  it  is  given  a  selfish  aim.  A  bread-and- 
butter  education  is  not  enough.     He  would  have 

[91] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

the  soil  trained  to  know  its  God  and  to  learn  de- 
votional living. 

Ill 

Biblicism  and  Evangelism  might  be  called  the 
acquired  characteristics  of  Calvinism.  The  pos- 
sibility of  them  lay  in  the  nature  of  the  man  who 
so  exemplified  them.  But  it  is  questionable  if 
they  would  have  reached  any  great  degree  of  de- 
velopment except  for  the  circumstance  of  the 
Reformation.  Calvin  was  naturally  a  jurist.  It 
was  in  the  line  of  administration  and  legal  con- 
struction that  his  success  was  most  brilliant.  In 
many  things  he  depended  on  other  Reformers  or 
worked  out  their  ideas  and  suggestions.  But  in 
the  matter  of  the  organization  of  the  churches  he 
solved  a  problem  that  had  been  a  complete  puzzle 
to  Luther  and  Zwingli.  Luther  put  the  seal  on 
the  doctrine  of  Scripture  authority  and  reasserted 
the  evangelical  teaching  of  Augustine,  but  did  not 
have  the  talent  to  organize  his  church  forces.  This 
Calvin  did.    He  was  peculiarly  fitted  to  do  it. 

Set  at  the  head  of  the  Genevan  churches,  it  was 
his  work  to  rebuild  what  had  been  destroyed,  to 
construct  upon  a  different  plan  and  on  a  different 
foundation.  No  problem  could  have  been  more 
difficult.  The  priestly  hierarchy  had  ruled  so  long 
that  no  other  discipline  had  been  thought  of 
for  upwards  of  a  thousand  years.  There  seemed 
no  precedent  to  go  by  unless  it  were  the  unfortu- 
nate one,  as  it  proved,  of  entire  dependence  on  the 

[92] 


Applied  Calvinism 

civil  power.  The  task  was  to  originate  a  form 
of  church  government  responsible  to  reason,  ap- 
pealing to  men  also  on  the  side  of  sentiment 
and  at  the  same  time  having  the  strength  to 
maintain  itself  against  the  attacks  of  the  papacy, 
and  ensure  its  perpetuity  as  an  identical  organiza- 
tion. All  these  requirement  were  met  in  the  re- 
construction of  the  churches  of  Geneva.  On  the 
basis  of  reason  they  were  autonomous,  self- 
governing  and  self-perpetuating.  Geneva  had 
been  for  a  long  time  a  republic.  It  was  reason- 
able and  fitting  that  its  churches  should  be 
governed  in  a  similar  way.  The  changing  of 
sentiment  was  far  more  difficult  of  accomplish- 
ment. When  a  people  for  centuries  have  been 
attached  to  the  same  religious  forms,  methods  of 
expression  and  customs  of  worship,  it  is  a  hard 
thing  to  change  their  practises.  The  mind 
may  be  convinced,  but  the  heart  longs  for  the  old 
ways.  Yet  in  this  appeal  to  sentiment  Calvin  suc- 
ceeded. For  the  old  ideas  and  customs  he  in- 
troduced new  ones;  the  old  forms  he  replaced 
with  others  more  fitting. 

His  work  in  this  respect  bears  evidence  of 
antagonism  to  Rome.  It  could  hardly  have  been 
otherwise.  But  it  illustrates  none  the  less  the 
keen  and  discriminating  mind  of  the  Reformer. 
The  Romanist  grounded  his  authority  in  the 
Church.  Its  doctrine  was  the  truth,  its  message 
the  gospel.  Against  this  conception  was  placed 
the  Bible  as  the  inspired  source  of  authority  to 

[93] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

which  Church  and  council  must  conform.  Against 
the  doctrine  of  the  apostolic  priesthood  was  set 
the  doctrine  of  the  priesthood  of  all  believers. 
Against  the  claim  of  catholicity  in  the  Roman 
Church  was  brought  forward  the  doctrine  of  the 
invisible  Catholic  Church  of  w^hich  the  visible 
churches  are  the  expression.  Instead  of  a  visible 
ruler  of  the  Church,  as  the  bishop  of  Rome, 
Christ  is  made  the  real  though  invisible  head.  The 
visible  Church  is  regarded  as  the  true  expression 
of  the  invisible  when  it  sustains  public  worship, 
administers  the  sacraments,  furnishes  the  preach- 
ing of  the  pure  Word  of  God  and  maintains 
spiritual  discipline. 

This  presentation  of  the  Church  was  so  fitted  to 
the  needs  of  the  time  as  to  completely  drive  out 
the  old  Church  ideas  in  Reformed  communities. 
The  reverence  for  the  Roman  priesthood  disap- 
peared and  w^ith  it  all  the  practises  that  were  con- 
nected with  it. 

Calvin  looks  to  the  New  Testament  for  sug- 
gestions as  to  the  government  of  the  Church,  and 
as  far  as  possible  he  carries  out  the  practises  and 
methods  applied  in  apostolic  times.  But  for  all 
this,  it  must  be  said  that  the  ecclesiastical  govern- 
ment and  discipline  of  the  churches  of  Geneva 
bears  plainly  the  stamp  of  his  peculiar  genius. 
There  is  much  therein  that  comes  of  his  knowl- 
edge of  law  and  the  principles  of  administration. 
The  scheme  is  more  elaborate  than  a  simple  study 
of  the  Bible  would  warrant.      The  needs  of  this 

[94] 


Applied  Calvinism 

particular  community  are  considered,  and  some 
things  have  only  a  local  application. 

The  form  of  church  government  at  Geneva  was 
in  most  respects  like  that  of  the  Presbyterian 
churches  of  the  present  day.  The  officers  were 
the  pastors,  teachers,  lay  elders  and  deacons. 
These  were  connected  with  particular  churches. 
Unity  was  effected  by  the  institution  of  two  re- 
presentative bodies,  the  Venerable  Company, 
clerical  in  its  make-up,  and  the  Consistory,  a 
mixed  body  of  clergymen  and  laymen.  It  was 
Calvin's  purpose  to  add  to  these  still  another  as- 
sembly, the  synod,  a  superior  administrative  body, 
in  order  that  the  organization  of  the  churches 
might  form  a  complete  system.  In  this  he  was 
prevented  by  the  action  of  the  civil  authorities. 

The  ecclesiastical  discipline  at  Geneva  was 
strict  and  elaborate,  and  followed  out  Biblical 
suggestions.  It  proved  to  be  a  very  important 
element  in  Calvinism.  There  were  three  steps  in 
the  treatment  of  refractory  members,  based  on  the 
words  of  Jesus  in  Matthew  i8:  15-17  —  private 
admonition,  admonition  before  witnesses,  and  ex- 
clusion from  the  Lord's  table.  Calvin  sought  to 
have  all  this  included  in  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Church.  But  in  the  matter  of  excommunication 
the  civil  authorities  insisted  on  having  a  veto 
power.  Nevertheless  this  system  of  discipline 
became  famous  and  passed  itself  on  intO'  history 
as  a  vital  force. 

So  the  great  thing  was  done.  There  was  avoided 

[95] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

on  the  one  side  the  enervating  subjection  to  the 
civil  power  which  characterized  the  Lutheran 
churches,  and  on  the  other  side  the  fatal  error  of 
claiming  authority  in  civil  jurisdiction.  Calvin's 
idea  was  that  of  an  independent  church  and  an 
independent  state  government,  but  both  admin- 
istered in  sympathy  and  supplementing  each 
other.  The  historic  importance  of  this  achieve- 
ment is  inestimable.  There  was  built  up  a 
veritable  church-republic  on  final  principles.  The 
church  membership  was  the  foundation  of  the 
structure,  then  came  the  officers  of  the  church, 
then  the  representative  assemblies.  It  was  one 
of  the  strongest  forms  of  government  ever  de- 
vised, and  proved  itself  so  in  more  than  one 
country.  There  was  no  need  of  connection 
with  the  state,  as  was  the  case  at  Geneva. 
A  body  of  Christian  believers  could  make 
a  beginning  anywhere,  without  the  help,  ov 
even  without  reference  to,  any  outside  authority 
and  build  up  church,  presbytery,  synod,  general 
assembly  into  a  strong  and  permanent  organiza- 
tion. This  was  done  more  than  once  and  in 
each  case  the  new  body  was  of  the  strongest  and 
formed  an  essential  part  of  the  nation's  activities. 
The  churches  of  Geneva  could  not  strictly  be 
termed  free  churches.  They  were  too  much 
under  the  supervision  of  the  state  authorities. 
This  was  not  Calvin's  doing,  it  was  in  spite  of 
his  wishes  and  plans.  But  the  impetus  toward 
freedom   in   church  affairs   was   so  great   even 

[96] 


Applied  Calvinism 

under  these  conditions,  the  principle  of  autonomy 
was  so  plainly  asserted,  that  we  can  justly  say 
that  Calvin  was  the  father  of  the  free  church. 

IV 

The  Reformed  churches,  organized  as  they 
were  in  the  relation  of  a  republic,  contained  in 
themselves  the  suggestion  of  free  government  in 
civil  affairs,  and  would  inevitably  lead  up  to  that 
question  sooner  or  later.  But  Calvin  did  not 
leave  the  suggestion  to  be  worked  out  by  others. 
He  himself  in  his  written  works  and  in  actual  life 
has  expressed  his  ideas  of  government.  This  fea- 
ture of  Calvinism  stands  out  very  prominently. 
Calvin  was  above  all  a  statesman,  a  politician  if 
you  will.  It  does  not  avail  to  say  that  he  never 
held  any  civil  office  or  took  any  formal  part  in  the 
administration  of  the  government.  He  was  the 
recognized  leader  of  the  theocratic  party  at 
Geneva.  He  had  a  wonderful  power  over  his 
constituency.  The  government  of  the  city  was 
remodeled  and  administered  in  accordance  with 
his  ideas.  The  code  of  laws  in  use  was  almost 
directly  from  his  pen.  His  advice  was  asked  in 
all  important  affairs  of  state  and  was  usually  fol- 
lowed. It  is  hardly  too  much  to  say  that  no 
man  ever  impressed  his  personality  upon  the  life 
of  a  people  more  than  did  Calvin  upon  that  of  the 
Genevese.  As  to  office,  he  could  be  called  at 
most  only  head  pastor,  but  in  effect  he  was  the 
ruler,  by  the  force  of  his  personality  and  by  the 

[97] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

fulness  of  his  political  wisdom,  both  in  Church 
and  State.  No  king  ever  realized  his  plans  more 
completely,  or  more  thoroughly  attained  his  pur- 
pose. And  yet  he  never  took  weapon  into  his 
hand  nor  commanded  soldiery;  never  made  show 
of  his  power  nor  coerced  his  parliament.  What- 
ever changes  were  made  had  to  be  passed  by  vote 
of  the  general  assembly  of  the  people.  His  was 
purely  a  moral  supremacy. 

In  the  second  volume  of  the  Institutes  is  a 
chapter  on  civil  government  in  which  Calvin  gives 
his  political  theory.  It  is  of  the  class  that  is 
termed  theocratic  government  administered  from 
the  religious  point  of  view.  This  scheme,  like 
that  of  his  system  of  church  government,  looks 
to  the  Bible  for  its  authority,  and  like  it  also  is  a 
pure  product  of  his  genius. 

All  government  is  of  God.  The  ruler  is  the 
agent  of  God  appointed  to  hold  power  over  the 
community  or  nation.  He  is  responsible  to  God, 
who  will  deal  with  him  as  with  a  steward.  The 
people  are  to  obey  the  ruler  implicitly,  for  his 
authority  is  of  God.  But  obedience  to  God  is 
supreme,  so  the  suggestion  is  made  that  in  case 
of  very  oppressive  tyranny,  the  overthrow  of  the 
existing  government  is  right,  provided  God  has 
chosen  some  one  as  his  agent  for  the  purpose. 

The  functions  of  the  government  are  given  as 
the  establishment  of  true  worship,  the  upholding 
of  sound  doctrine,  the  maintenance  of  public 
order,  defence  of  the  community,  involving  the 
right  of  war,  and  taxation. 

[98] 


Applied  Calvinism 

Law  finds  its  basis  in  the  moral  law  of  God  as 
seen  in  the  Bible  and  in  the  life  of  the  nations. 
Its  purpose  is  governmental.  It  expresses  the 
will  of  God  for  the  community  and  the  individual. 
No  distinction  is  made  in  the  execution  of  the 
punishment  between  civil  and  religious  offences. 
Both  are  against  God  and  both  are  to  be  punished 
by  the  magistrate,  who  is  the  agent  of  God. 

In  the  Bible  Calvin  finds  no  authoritative  pref- 
erence as  to  the  form  of  government  —  democra- 
tic, aristocratic  or  monarchic.  But  the  trend  of 
his  thought  and  the  impulse  of  his  work  is  toward 
free  government. 

This  was  no  idle  theory.  The  principles  here 
described  were  put  into  actual  practise  in  the  city 
of  Geneva.  Reform  there  was  not  confined  to 
the  elevating  of  the  morals  of  the  people  or  the 
establishment  of  a  New  Testament  church.  It 
included  also  in  reconstruction  of  the  political 
order  not  less  complete  and  lasting  than  that  in 
the  religious  life. 

Geneva  had  been  a  republic  for  a  long  time 
when  Calvin  came  there.  But  it  was  in  a  rather 
loose  form.  Under  Calvin  some  changes  were 
made  in  form,  but  the  greatest  changes  were  in 
method  of  administration.  The  theocratic  idea 
seeks  an  actual  realization.  The  subjects  of  the 
State  are  regarded  as  the  subjects  of  God  and 
their  acts  are  passed  upon  from  that  point  of  view. 

The  laws  formulated  by  Calvin  were  a  complete 
code  for  the  administration  of  public  affairs  down 

[99] 


The  Bssential  Calvinism 

to  the  minutest  detail.  Regulations  were  made  as 
to  behavior,  dress,  church  attendance,  education, 
amusements  and  luxuries,  besides  matters  that 
ordinarily  enter  into  enactments  of  the  kind. 
These  laws  were  maintained  in  force  for  many 
years  until  the  character  of  the  Genevese  was  com- 
pletely altered. 

In  other  lands  than  Switzerland  Calvinism 
came  to  be  a  transforming  power  in  a  political 
way  through  the  teaching  Oif  Calvin,  through 
the  example  of  Geneva,  and  indirectly  through 
the  churches. 

The  history  of  the  Netherlands  in  the  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries  is  chiefly  the  history  of 
Calvinism  as  the  dominant  force  in  the  national 
life,  to  which  it  rendered  service  of  the  highest 
value. 

The  first  Reform  movements  in  the  Netherlands 
were  independent  of,  and  previous  to,  the  incep- 
tion of  Calvinism.  Before  Luther's  time  there 
were  signs  which  presaged  the  coming  of  a  relig- 
ious change,  and  when  he  came  to  the  front  his 
doctrines  found  wide  acceptance.  All  this  was  to 
be  absorbed  in  the  more  vigorous  Calvinism. 
There  were  several  causes  for  this.  Lutheranism 
became  the  religion  of  the  wealthier  classes  in  the 
Netherlands  and  was  at  first  only  a  protest  within 
the  Roman  Church,  while  Calvinism  was  a 
popular  movement  and  distinct  in  every  way  from 
Romanism.  Then,  too,  the  zeal  and  energy  of  the 
Huguenot  preachers  contributed  a  characteristic 
[  100  ] 


Applied  Calvinism 

enthusiasm  to  the  Reform  that  was  highly  effec- 
tive. The  superior  organization  of  the  Calvinistic 
body,  also,  was  a  most  powerful  instrument  in 
the  maintenance  of  Reformed  teaching. 

In  the  struggle  with  Spain  all  classes  of  Protes- 
tants united,  but  the  leadership  and  moral  force 
lay  with  the  Calvinists.  Their  solidarity  gave 
form  to  an  otherwise  scattered  movement.  As  to 
the  thinking  that  lay  back  of  this  series  of  events, 
a  very  suggestive  quotation  is  made  by  Hausser 
from  the  Frisian  records  of  this  period:  "Every 
one  knows  that  the  ruler  is  ordained  of  God  to 
protect  his  subjects  as  the  shepherd  protects  his 
flock.  If,  therefore,  the  ruler  do  not  do  his  duty, 
if  he  oppress  his  subjects,  destroy  their  ancient 
liberties  and  treat  them  like  slaves,  he  is  no  longer 
to  be  considered  as  a  ruler  but  as  a  tyrant.  As 
such  the  country  may  justly  and  reasonably  and 
honorably  depose  him  and  elect  another  in  his 
place."  In  more  than  one  thing  this  shows  the 
influence  of  Calvin's  teaching. 

In  the  relation  of  Church  and  State  in  the 
Netherlands  we  find  that  the  Genevan  model  was 
closely  followed.  Each  maintained  a  separate 
government  and  code  of  laws;  yet  they  were 
allied.  The  magistrates  were  to  protect  the 
churches  in  their  work,  and  the  preachers  were 
by  their  teaching  and  moral  influence  to  help  the 
magistrate  in  the  maintenance  of  law  and  order. 

Not  only  in  the  crucial  time  of  the  Spanish  war, 
but  also  in  the  succeeding  time  of  peace,  Calvinism 

[lOl] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

did   a   great   service   in   the   building   up  of  the 
Dutch   Republic.       This  is  easily  lost  sight  of 
in  the  theological  controversy  between  the  Cal- 
vinists  and  Arminians,  in   which    the   latter   are 
generally    regarded    as    the    progressive    party. 
However  this  may  be,  from  a  political  point  of 
view  we  must  draw  different  conclusions.       Here 
Calvinists   were   the   progressive,  the  Arminians 
the  reactionary  party.       The  greatest  danger  to 
the  national  life  of  the  Dutch  people  came  from 
within.      The    country    was    divided    into   petty 
states,  each  one  oi  which  was  so  assertive  of  its 
own  rights  as  to  endanger  the  general  welfare. 
Nothing  as  yet,  not  even  the  long  war  with  Spain, 
had  welded  them  into  a  nation.    In  the  Arminian 
dispute,  the  conflicting  forces  of  local  and  central 
government  came  into  collision  in  political,  as  well 
as  in  religious  questions.       The  political  parties 
joined    in    the    controversy    according    to    their 
predilection.    There  came  thus  to  be  a  fourfold 
division   in   Netherlands   society;   the   Calvinists 
favoring    a    centralized    ecclesiastical    authority 
vested  in  a  national  synod ;  the  Remonstrants  who 
contested  the  right  of  the  synod  to  enforce  its  de- 
crees   on    the    minorities;    the    Orangeists    who 
favored  a  centralized  national  government  with 
the  heir  of  the  house  of  Orange  at  its  head ;  and 
the  advocates  of  extreme  local  government  led  by 
John  of  Barneveld,   Grand  Pensionary  of  Hol- 
land.    The  Calvinists  threw  in  their  lot  with  the 
Orange    party    and    the    victory    was    won    for 
[  102] 


Applied  Calvinism 

centralization.  The  struggle  was  renewed  under 
Barneveld's  successor,  John  de  Witt,  but  he  was 
not  able  to  stem  the  tide.  To  the  centralizing 
force  of  Calvinism  is  due  largely  the  fact  that  the 
Netherlands  ceased  to  be  a  mere  collection  of 
petty  states  and  developed  intO'  a  nation. 

Calvinism  in  Scotland  more  than  in  the  Nether- 
lands was  the  creating  of  a  nation.  It  might 
almost  be  said  that  before  the  Reformation  there 
was  no  Scottish  nation.  It  was  only  an  associa- 
tion of  fiefs  and  baronies,  and  the  king  himself 
was  only  chief  baron,  and  possessed  but  little 
power.  Out  of  this  chaos  of  political  uncertain- 
ties Calvinism  wrought  a  nation,  firm  in  its 
texture,  enduring  in  its  qualities. 

The  apostle  of  the  Reformation  in  Scotland, 
John  Knox,  was  a  typical  Calvinist  and  an  ex- 
ample of  how  the  Genevan  Reformer  inspired 
those  who  heard  him  or  studied  under  him.  On 
his  return  to  Scotland  he  seemed  to  transfuse  the 
Genevan  Reformation  into  the  life  of  the  people. 
It  was  almost  as  if  Calvin  himself  had  come  to 
repeat  the  work  done  on  the  Continent.  Under 
the  leadership  of  Knox,  the  Lords  of  the  congre- 
gation were  organized  to  protect  the  preaching  of 
the  gospel.  But,  as  was  true  in  the  Netherlands, 
the  real  religious  transformation  was  among  the 
common  people.  A  new  spirit  was  infused  into 
them.  They  became  a  unit  in  thought  and  aim 
and  organization.  The  churches,  the  presby- 
teries, the  synods,  the  general  assembly  as  they 
[  103] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

were  successively  formed,  built  them  up  into  a 
theocratic  republic,  stable,  enduring. 

A  consistent  book  of  discipline  gave  to  the 
churches  a  constitution,  elaborate  and  thorough, 
provided  with  method  for  administration,  and 
method  for  exercising  spiritual  jurisdiction  over 
its  membership.  Thus  developed  one  of  the 
strongest  organizations  ever  known.  i\gainst  it 
the  Stuarts  used  all  their  power  in  vain,  and  in- 
directly at  least  they  owe  to  it  their  downfall. 

It  is  somewhat  difficult  to  point  out  the  direct 
political  effect  of  Calvinism  in  Scotland,  for  the 
reason  that  its  government  became  merged  with 
that  of  England.  But  we  may  safely  name  the 
following:  the  nationalization  of  the  Scottish 
people,  the  overthrow  of  feudalism,  a  more  dem- 
ocratic quality  in  the  parliament,  thorough  local 
administration  of  justice  and  the  establishment  of 
a  fine  system  of  free  schools  and  universities 
through  the  country. 

Stubbs,  in  his  "Constitutional  History  of  Eng- 
land," makes  the  statement  that  there  are  two 
great  sources  of  English  constitutional  law,  the 
ancient  liberties  and  customs  of  the  Angles  and 
Saxons  finding  their  completeness  in  local  govern- 
ment, and  the  administrative  system  of  the  Nor- 
man conquerors  superimposed  upon  and  giving 
system  to  the  local  governments.  The  forces  of 
English  history  so  operated  as  to  preserve  both 
elements  of  constitution,  and  to^  fuse  them  so 
completely  that  the  people  were  unconscious  of 
[  104] 


Applied  Calvinism 

the  dual  origin  of  their  laws  and  liberties.  At  the 
time  of  the  advent  of  Calvinism  in  England  it 
found  there  a  well  established  monarchy 
and  a  reformation,  of  a  political  kind  at  least, 
already  accomplished.  In  a  large  measure  the 
work  which  Calvinism  did  in  Scotland  and  the 
Netherlands  in  a  political  way  was  here  already 
accomplished. 

Puritanism,  the  English  form  of  Calvinism, 
made  its  appearance  as  a  distinct  type  in  the  reign 
of  Queen  Elizabeth.  The  queen  relied  much 
upon  the  Puritans  for  support  for  they  were  in- 
tensely patriotic,  but  she  distrusted  them  and  re- 
pressed their  earnest  efforts  for  a  complete  reform. 
Calvinism  as  a  whole  never  obtained  the  support 
of  the  government  in  England. 

Besides  this  the  endeavors  of  the  Puritans  were 
somewhat  negatived  by  a  division  in  the  matter  of 
church  government.  One  party  led  by  Thomas 
Cartwright  held  to  a  jicre  divino  Presb)rterianism. 
Another  party,  the  Independents,  advocated  a 
separation  of  Church  and  State.  So  Calvinism 
never  became  in  England  the  compact  organiza- 
tion that  it  did  in  other  countries.  The  contest 
between  the  Puritans  and  Charles  I  is  illustrative 
of  this  fact.  There  were  three  parties  in  the 
struggle  —  the  king,  the  Parliament,  which  repre- 
sented Presbyterian  uniformity,  and  the  army, 
which  was  composed  mainly  of  Independents. 
None  of  the  parties  represented  ever  completely 
attained  its  end.   Presbyterianism  never  met  with 

[  105  ] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

great  success  in  England.  It  was  the  Calvinism 
of  Cromwell  and  the  army  which  gained  the  im- 
mediate victory,  and  which,  later  on,  was  to  carry 
out  a  considerable  part  of  its  program. 

Cromwell  was  a  Calvinist  in  the  political  sense. 
He  held  to  Calvin's  idea  of  statecraft  and  tried  to 
realize  in  England  a  political  theocracy.  That  he 
failed  is  due  not  to  his  lack  of  genius,  nor  to  in- 
feriority in  administration,  but  rather  to  the  fact 
that  his  constituency  was  mainly  of  soldiers, 
and  not  of  that  class  of  men  who  were  ordinarily 
chosen  to  form  the  parliament.  He  never  could 
get  a  parliament  that  was  in  sympathy  with  his 
political  ideals. 

It  is  remarkable,  however,  that  a  large  propor- 
tion of  the  political  changes  made  by  Cromwell 
have  since  become  permanent.  Among  these  we 
may  mention  the  establishment  of  parliament  as 
ultimate  authority  in  place  of  the  king,  triennial 
sessions  of  parliament,  the  political  union  of  Scot- 
land and  England,  toleration  of  religious  denomi- 
nations, the  abolition  of  illegal  taxes,  of  the  Star 
Chamber  and  the  Court  of  High  Commission. 

The  election  by  parliament  of  William  of 
Orange  as  king  of  England  was  a  demonstration 
of  the  change  which  Puritanism  had  wrought 
in  English  politics.  A  new  conception  of  the  re- 
lation of  king  and  parliament  is  here  expressed. 
William  was  not  averse  to  this  idea.  Coming 
from  a  country  imbued  with  Calvinistic  thought 
he  was  at  home  in  the  new  surroundings  as  the 
[io6] 


Applied  Calvinism 

Stuarts  could  never  have  been,  and  he  chose  to 
uphold  many  of  the  reforms  begun  or  suggested 
by  the  Puritans  when  in  power. 

That  Calvin's  theocratic  idea  had  power  and 
influence  in  America  need  hardly  be  said.  The  use 
of  the  Scriptures  as  a  text-book  in  civil  govern- 
ment by  the  early  settlers  in  New  England,  their 
framing  of  constitutions  on  Bible  principles  and 
the  effect  of  this  example  on  the  national  constitu- 
tion, are  things  familiar  to  all  students  of  Amer- 
ican history. 

Griffis,  in  "Brave  Little  Holland,"  brings  out 
the  fact  that  the  lessons  presented  by  the  history 
of  the  Dutch  Republic  did  not  pass  unnoted  by  the 
framers  of  our  constitution.  They  knew  of  the 
division  that  had  weakened  the  national  life  of 
the  Netherlands,  arising  out  of  the  extreme  devo- 
tion to  local  interests,  and  they  saw  tO'  it  that  the 
American  Colonies  became  a  nation.  In  this  way 
also  Calvinism  has  had  influence  on  American 
politics. 

The  country  of  France  was  the  scene  of  great 
Protestant  activity  under  the  influence  of  the 
Genevan  Reformation.  We  should  expect  that 
there  also  Calvinism  would  show  its  political 
power.  But  much  has  occurred  to  negative  the 
legitimate  effect  of  the  Reformation  in  France. 
The  terrible  persecution  and  the  extensive  depor- 
tation of  the  Huguenots  under  Louis  XIV  dimin- 
ished materially  the  effect  of  Calvinism,  for  those 
most  devoted  to  its  principles  were  the  ones  who 
suffered  most. 

[  107  ] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

Dr.  Abraham  Kuyper  asserts  that  the  Hugue- 
nots showed  the  same  remarkable  traits,  with 
some  natural  exceptions,  as  the  Independents  in 
England.  Especially  was  this  true  of  their  fun- 
damental concept  in  politics.  The  sovereignty  of 
God  was  the  ruling  thought,  and  out  of  this  came 
the  equality  of  men.  Among  the  Huguenot  towns 
and  villages  there  was  local  government, 
popular  suffrage  and  even  trial  by  jury.  They 
were  nationally  organized,  also,  through  their 
synods,  and  formed  a  nation  within  a  nation. 

Baird  also  in  his  history  of  the  Huguenots 
declares  that  though,  since  the  times  of  Louis 
XIV,  the  French  Protestants  have  been  but  a 
small  minority,  they  have  greatly  influenced  the 
political  thought  and  life  of  the  nation. 

So'  it  has  come  about  that  France,  unlike  the 
other  Latin  nations,  is  a  republic.  Calvin's  ideas 
have  permeated  its  social  life  in  spite  of  persecu- 
tion and  prescription;  but  as  the  majorities 
which  have  carried  these  ideas  into  effect  have 
been  other  than  Protestant,  they  have  become  dis- 
torted and  failed  of  complete  accomplishment. 

To  a  great  extent,  then,  Calvin's  political  ideas 
have  pervaded  the  Western  nations,  and  even  at 
this  time,  four  hundred  years  after  his  birth,  they 
are  to  be  found  expressed  in  institution  and  con- 
stitution, and  incorporated  into  the  body  of  our 
social  consciousness. 


[io8] 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE  CALVINISTIC  PRINCIPLE 
OF  AUTHORITY 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE   CALVINISTIC   PRINCIPLE   OE 
AUTHORITY 

The  period  which  follows  the  Reformation  was 
one  in  which  much  stress  was  laid  upon  doctrine. 
The  great  change  that  had  taken  place  was  re- 
garded as  chiefly  a  doctrinal  one,  or  a  change  that 
was  due  to  a  restatement  of  Christian  truth.  This 
emphasis  upon  doctrine  led  to  a  division  of  forces 
among  the  Protestant  churches,  for  it  accentuated 
the  formal  differences  with  the  result  of  obscuring 
common  interests.  The  result  was  an  age  of 
sectarian  formalism.  That  underlying  current  of 
religious  progress  which  really  was  the  Reforma- 
tion was  checked,  and  in  the  surety  that  they  had 
a  perfect  statement  of  divine  revelation  men 
ceased  to  ask  for  further  improvements. 

The  Calvinistic  principle  which  declared  the 
Bible  to  be  the  inspired  standard  of  thought  and 
life,  made  of  real  authority  by  the  action  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  on  the  heart,  degenerated  into  the 
bare  and  unyielding  assertion  of  verbal  inspira- 
tion, until  even  the  vowel  points  of  the  Hebrew 
text  were  looked  upon  as  of  divine  giving. 

Calvin's  conception  of  an  All-active  God,  in- 
tensely personal  and  in  touch  with  every  human 
[III  ] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

being,  became  a  definition  expressed  in  infinite 
attributes,  and  philosophically  a  doctrine  of 
fatalism. 

His  thought  of  the  Christian  life  as  an  ef- 
fort to  be  godlike  was  displaced  by  the  idea  of 
that  life  as  the  possession  of  a  correct  belief,  and 
the  effort  of  the  preacher  was  too  often  a  telling 
of  the  limits  of  orthodoxy,  rather  than  the 
spiritual  uplifting  of  his  congregation.  Protes- 
tantism seemed  to  have  lost  its  constructive  power. 

Yet  in  the  midst  of  all  this  formalism  the  spirit 
of  the  Reformation  was  still  alive,  though  dor- 
mant. Principle  still  held  good,  though  lacking 
expression.  The  spirit  of  Protestantism  and  the 
spirit  of  reconstruction  were  simply  awaiting  an 
opportunity  to  assert  themselves.  That  opportu- 
nity has  come.  We  live  in  the  age  of  a  new 
Protestantism  and  the  principles  thereof  are 
strangely  like  those  of  the  old,  though  the  meas- 
ures called  for  are  of  a  different  nature. 

The  intellectual  battle  of  the  Reformation  cen- 
tered about  the  question  of  authority.  It  was. 
Bible  against  pope  and  Church.  In  the  Protes- 
tantism of  our  own  time  the  Bible  has  become 
again  the  center  of  discussion,  but  that  which  in 
the  time  of  Calvin  was  radical  has  now  become 
conservative ;  the  battle  is  of  the  same  nature,  the 
battle-ground  has  been  shifted.  Again  the  pro- 
gressive party  asks  for  a  new  statement  of  reli- 
gious truth  and  a  new  interpretation  of  the  Bible 
itself ;  and  it  is  busy  with  the  endeavor  to  achieve 

[112] 


The  Calvinistic  Principle  of  Authority 

this.  "Let  us  know  the  truth,"  it  has  cried, 
"for  the  truth  alone  can  bring  God  to  us." 
Modern  critical  study  has  come  in  to  make  inter- 
esting once  more  the  Bible  of  the  Reformation 
fathers.  But  those  who  claimed  to  be,  and  were 
considered  the  doctrinal  descendants  of  Calvin 
proved  the  most  bitter  opponents  of  the  new  move- 
ment. That  this  new  movement  was  traceable 
back  to  the  Reformation  times  and  to  Calvin  him- 
self was  something  altogether  unrealized.  But 
one  has  only  to  recall  what  a  breaking  away  from 
old  tradition,  what  a  change  in  point  of  view, 
what  an  upsetting  of  old  standards,  the  Reforma- 
tion about  Calvin  was,  to  realize  that  the  new 
critical  attempt  to  understand  the  Bible  is  only  a 
revival  of  Calvinism.  Calvin  dealt  with  the 
Bible  critically.  Certain  books  there  were  in  the 
canon  of  the  Scriptures  that  were  called  in  ques- 
tion. These  were  examined  as  to  their  contents, 
their  history  investigated,  and  judgment  rendered 
according  to  the  evidence.  But  modern  critics, 
treating  for  example  the  book  of  Esther  in  prac- 
tlically  this  same  way,  have  been  able  to  do  so 
only  amid  a  storm  of  protest,  and  have  been  laid 
under  the  charge  of  trying  to  destroy  the  Bible 
and  undermine  religious  faith.  It  is  not  taken 
into  consideration  that  the  Bible  is  a  collection  of 
books,  and  that  each  book  in  the  collection  has  to 
stand  on  its  own  merits,  has  always  had  to,  and 
is  in  the  Bible  only  because  the  ancient  Church 
judged  it  worthy  to  be  there;  and  this  is  some- 

[113] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

thing  that  Calvin  realized  and  dealt  with  in  care- 
ful critical  investigation. 

In  our  generation  new  material  for  critical  work 
has  come  to  hand;  the  scientific  interpretation  of 
the  world,  the  principle  of  evolution,  a  new  idea 
of  inspiration,  the  discovery  of  new  manuscripts 
relating  to  the  history  and  texts  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testaments,  the  deciphering  of  ancient  in- 
scriptions, discoveries  in  archaeology  external  to 
the  Bible,  the  study  of  comparative  religion,  all 
these  call  for  treatment,  interpretation  and  ap- 
plication for  the  purpose  of  throwing  light  on  the 
nature  of  the  Bible  record,  the  manner  of  its  con- 
struction, and  the  source  of  its  moral  and  religious 
authority. 

The  critical  effort  to  attain  definite  results  from 
this  material  is  not  in  spirit  destructive.  While 
it  attempts  to  clear  away  some  things  considered 
outworn,  its  principal  aim  is  reconstruction.  Cal- 
vinism is  historically  the  balancing  of  the  elements 
of  progress  and  conservatism.  It  happens  to 
stand  now  for  one,  now  for  the  other,  or  mayhap 
for  both  at  the  same  time.  It  clears  away  old 
rubbish,  it  rears  a  new  structure.  Often  it  hap- 
pens that  the  same  man  is  first  critic,  then 
recoiistructionist.  So  we  are  assured  that  a  new 
conception  of  the  Bible  is  coming  tO'  expression, 
which  will  afford  just  as  true  a  basis  of  authority 
as  before,  and  perchance  a  more  reasonable  stand- 
ard of  religious  belief  than  that  which  we  have 
received  from  our  forefathers. 

[114] 


The  Calvinistic  Principle  of  Authority 

Now  the  very  fact  of  the  critical  investigation 
of  the  Bible  shows  that  authority  in  its  ancient 
form  is  weakening.  But  man  has  a  love  for 
authority.  It  often  is  carried  to  such  an  extreme 
as  to  become  an  unnatural  thirst  for  absolute  in- 
fallibility. It  matters  not  whether  he  is  a 
philosopher  scientist,  historian,  churchman  or 
religionist,  he  makes  infallibility  his  idol.  He 
fashions  it,  not  as  the  idol-makers  of  old  with 
graving  tool  from  wood  or  metal,  but  he  takes 
the  material  of  fact,  or  it  may  be  of  fancy,  and 
with  mind  and  pen  fashions  from  it  a  standard  of 
belief,  a  method  of  action,  a  metaphysical  inter- 
pretation, and  pronounces  the  work  o^f  his  own 
mind  infallible,  a  something  absolute,  a  god,  an 
idol  in  the  world  of  thought  and  idea.  Or  it  may 
be  that  the  idol  is  found  ready-made  like  the 
image  of  Diana  at  Ephesus,  and  he  pronounces 
that  to  be  perfect  and  infallible. 

An  ancient  motto  has  come  down  to  us, 
''Semper,  ubique  et  omnibus/'  always,  every- 
where, and  among  all,  an  infallible  test  of 
knowledge,  the  intellectual  idol  of  the  schoolmen. 
But  it  has  been  proved  a  false  god,  for  time  and 
again  a  single  man  has  been  right  and  all  the 
world  wrong ;  one  man  knows  and  all  his  fellows 
remain  in  ignorance.  Science  in  one  era  is  ig- 
norance in  the  next,  the  civilization  of  one  epoch 
becomes  the  barbarism  of  the  next,  while  the 
heresy  of  past  times  m^y  be  the  orthodoxy  of  the 
present. 

[115] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

The  modern  scientist  makes  his  infalHble 
by  the  method  of  induction  and  deduction.  He 
looks  over  the  whole  field  of  known  things  until 
it  seems  to  him  that  his  collection  of  data  war- 
rants a  universal  induction ;  then  he  images  an  ab- 
solute principle  and  says  to  the  world  that  this  is 
a  miniature  of  God  and  the  universe.  Then,  too, 
the  metaphysician  with  a  like  purpose  before  him 
carefully  graves  his  intellectual  idol,  but  per- 
chance with  much  less  reference  to  facts. 

But  the  man  untrained  in  the  schools  is  often 
an  idolator  of  this  same  class,  for  though  he 
knows  not  the  claim  of  the  scientist  nor  the  pre- 
scription of  the  philosopher,  yet  he  may  exalt  his 
own  conscience  into  an  absolute  expression  of 
right  and  wrong,  or  a  faculty  which  will  enable 
him  to  pass  infallible  judgment  on  all  moral 
action  in  himself  and  others,  and  on  the  surety  of 
his  own  conviction  calls  men  to  come  and  worship 
at  his  shrine.  Or  perchance  the  Church  embodies 
for  him  the  absolute,  and  its  prescription  for  life 
and  belief  is  infallible.  He  has  only  to  obey  its 
mandates  and  duty  becomes  plain,  the  pathway  is 
clear  and  the  gates  of  heaven  stand  open. 

In  the  middle  ages  Roman  pope  and  Church 
were  the  infallible  for  near  all  the  Western  world. 
The  Bible  was  forgotten,  science  limited  to  a  few 
of  the  more  studious  religiO'US  orders,  and  moral 
sense  was  dull.  The  Church  was  unchallenged. 
But  with  the  emerging  of  a  new  era  with  its 
distrust  of  the  papacy  the  old  authority  was 
[ii6] 


The  Calvinistic  Principle  of  Authority 

undermined.  Men  sought  a  new  infallible,  and 
considered  that  they  had  found  it  in  the  writings 
of  the  Old  and  New  Testament.  The  Bible  be- 
came "an  infallible  rule  of  faith  and  practise." 

But  is  Scriptural  infallibility  also  an  idol  and 
have  its  worshipers  been  lead  astray  and  taught 
to  bow  down  to  a  mere  intellectual  image,  which 
after  all  is  not  the  real  object  of  devotion? 

'Infallibility"  is  not  a  Bible  word.  Such  a 
thing  is  not  claimed  by  the  Scriptures  for  them- 
selves. The  word  of  self-commendation  is 
simple  and  modest,  ''Holy  men  of  old  wrote  as 
they  were  inspired."  It  is  men  who  are  inspired, 
not  words  or  things.  Calvin  saw  this  clearly  and 
plainly  stated  it,  saying  that  the  Scriptures  had 
no  true  meaning  except  as  the  Spirit  of  God  acted 
on  mind  and  heart  and  enforced  the  truth  therein 
contained. 

But  now  if  we  still  continue  to  regard  the  Bible 
as  an  "infallible  rule  of  faith  and  practise,"  who 
shall  be  for  us  the  authoritative  interpreter? 
Protestant  and  Catholic,  Lutheran  and  Calvinist, 
Episcopalian  and  Independent  have  varying  inter- 
pretations of  the  same  Bible,  and  within  their 
ranks  have  sometimes  almost  irreconcilable  dif- 
ferences. The  infallible  is  still  afar  off.  An 
infallible  rule  still  needs  an  infallible  application, 
and  that  the  mind  of  man  cannot  furnish.  The 
table  of  logarithms  is  useless  in  the  hand  of  a 
child,  and  the  child  mind  of  man  cannot  infallibly 
use  the  eternal  thought  of  the  heavenly  Father. 

[117] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

The  great  Bible  word  is  "Truth."  This  with 
'Xove"  forms  the  core  of  Jesus'  thinking.  The 
truth  is  what  Jesus  embodied,  and  love  is  the  ap- 
plication of  truth  to  human  needs.  Then  it  was 
not  truth  absolute  that  Jesus  claimed  to  imper- 
sonate, but  truth  relative,  relative  to  the  world's 
moral  and  intellectual  needs,  relative  to  the  prog- 
ress of  human  history,  relative  to  the  development 
of  social  forces  and  individual  experience,  rela- 
tive to  the  end  for  which  the  world  of  human  kind 
was,  and  is.  Absolute  truth,  infallible  judgment 
are  beyond  the  reach  of  the  human  intellect.  To 
seek  them  is  like  chasing  a  will-o'-the-wisp. 

Must  Protestants  then  give  up  the  objective 
principle  of  their  faith  ?  Do  they  lack  a  standard  ? 
Is  authority  dead,  and  must  each  man  drift  about 
on  the  uncertain  sea  of  doubt,  this  one  hither  and 
that  one  thither?  Surely  not!  Truth  relative, 
standards  changing  progressively  are  far  more 
real,  and  hence  much  more  authoritative  than  an 
imagined  inerrancy.  The  religious  consciousness 
of  the  human  race  acted  upon  by  the  Spirit  of  God 
furnishes  a  standard  of  truth  and  morals  relative 
to  the  needs  of  each  age.  Religious  conscious- 
ness grows  and  develops,  and  thus  progressing 
gains  strength  and  clearness,  and  becomes  an 
ever  nearer  approach  to  reality. 

Herein  is  the  significance  of  the  Scriptures; 

they  are  the  record  of  the  religious  consciousness 

and  evolution  of  a  race  central  in  history  and 

pivotal  in  spiritual  human  development.     Proph- 

[ii8] 


The  Calvinistic  Principle  of  Authority 

ets  of  the  earlier,  apostles  of  the  later,  period  ex- 
press in  their  thought  and  life  the  best  and  highest 
in  God-consciousness  and  inspired  activity  that 
the  race  has  ever  attained  to,  while  in  the  person 
of  the  Christ  himself,  this  God-consciousness 
reached  to-  the  height  of  a  divine  self-revelation, 
and  brought  to  culmination  the  age-long  effort  of 
the  divine  Will  to  express  to  the  mind  of  man  the 
reality  of  the  spiritual  as  the  final  essence,  and 
love  as  its  true  manifestation  in  God  and  man. 
That  the  content  of  religious  consciousness  varies 
greatly  in  different  ages  means  not  that  authority 
and  standard  are  lacking,  but  rather  that  they  are 
becoming  stronger  and  surer  with  each  new 
religious  experience  realized  and  each  new  thought 
expressed;  while  as  time  goes  on  the  essential 
things  of  morals  and  religion  become  more  clearly 
evident,  and  the  world  races  approach  one  another 
in  sympathy  and  ideal. 

But  as  one  century  succeeds  another,  even  with 
the  swift  progress  and  growth  of  modern  religious 
thought  and  consciousness,  the  effect  is  not  to  dis- 
count, but  rather  to  throw  into  bold  relief  the 
Scriptures  of  the  Hebrew  race;  for  they  were 
formed  when  the  world  was  young,  and  in  the 
beginnings  of  civilization,  and  in  the  absence  of 
science  and  invention  and  real  education,  but  yet 
satisfy  the  most  cultured  mind  with  their  ideals  of 
life  and  their  vision  of  God,  even  though  they 
may  sometimes  be  cast  in  child  language,  or 
couched  in  figures  of  human  existence.   But  more 

[119] 


I 
-1 

I 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

than  all  else  is  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  anticipating  in 
his  moral  life  that  type  of  manhood  which  the  race 
may  hope  to  attain  only  toward  the  close  of  its 
history,  showing-  in  his  person  that  likeness  to 
God  which  gives  us  our  best  understanding  of  the 
divine  nature,  and  giving  a  personal,  spiritual  in- 
terpretation of  God  and  man  which  alone  grants 
to  life  a  meaning  beyond  the  merely  sensual. 

Hence  the  Bible  is  authoritative,  is  a  standard 
not  in  a  close,  literal  sense,  not  as  a  mere  rule,  but 
as  giving  an  account  of  the  best  religious  experi- 
ence of  the  human  race,  the  best  thinking  about 
God,  the  best  life  ever  lived,  and  the  best  state- 
ment of  those  great  moral  and  social  principles 
upon  which  religious  and  civilized  society  must  be 
built. 

The  history  of  the  formation  oi  the  Bible  canon 
illustrates  how  the  race  consciousness  of  religion 
attains  to  the  authoritative.  The  books  of  the 
Bible  are  a  collection,  but  further  than  this  they 
are  a  selection.  Not  all,  perhaps  not  half  of  the 
prophetic  and  historical  writings  of  the  Hebrews 
have  been  preserved  for  us.  Frequent  reference 
is  made  in  the  Old  Testament  to  books  which 
have  passed  out  of  existence,  as  the  book 
of  Jasher,  the  book  of  the  prophet  Nathan,  while 
the  apocrypha  are  only  a  part  of  a  fairly  extensive 
literature,  allusions  to  which  are  made  occasion- 
ally in  the  New  Testament.  Of  the  discarded 
books  of  Christian  times  we  have  a  more  definite 
knowledge.       Not  only  their  names  but  most  of 

[  120] 


The  Calvinistic  Principle  of  Authority 

the  books  themselves  are  preserved  and  are  acces- 
sible in  English  translation. 

The  final  selection  of  the  material  for  the  scrip- 
tures of  the  Old  Testament  is  supposed  to  have 
been  made  by  Ezra  with  the  help  of  the  scholars 
composing  the  so-called  Great  Synagogue;  the 
New  Testament  canon  crystallized  somewhere  in 
the  second  century.  In  either  case  those  books 
were  selected  which  expressed  the  religious  judg- 
ment and  consciousness  of  the  age,  and  which  in 
the  minds  of  men  bore  the  mark  of  divine  in- 
spiration. 

Our  possession  of  discarded  books,  or  apocry- 
pha, especially  of  the  New  Testament,  gives  a 
norm  of  judgment  as  to  what  qualities  in  a  book 
entitled  it  to  a  place  among  the  sacred  Scriptures, 
and  as  well  what  lack  led  to  the  discarding  of 
others. 

There  would  appear  to  be  upon  examination 
five  forms  of  Scriptural  material,  the  possession 
of  one  or  more  of  which,  in  some  acceptable 
literary  form,  and  having  evidences  of  inspi- 
ration, entitled  a  book  tO'  a  place  in  the  sacred 
canon,  (i)  History  written  to  describe  God's 
part  in  the  religious  development  of  the  nation. 
(2)  Revelation  of  the  character  of  God.  (3)  In- 
spired standards  of  devotional  conduct.  (4) 
Inspired  devotional  writings.  (5)  Spiritual  teach- 
ing in  the  form  of  parable  or  apocalypse.  The 
books  which  failed  to  make  a  favorable  impres- 
sion on  the  religious  mind  of  the  Hebrew    and 

[121] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

Christian  will  in  general  be  found  devoid  of  real 
religious  helpfulness,  and  faulty  in  that  they  do 
not  possess  any  of  the  above-named  qualities.  On 
the  other  hand  millions  of  people  turn  to  the 
recognized  Scriptures  to-day  as  they  have  for 
ages,  and  find  help  and  comfort  and  inspiration. 

And  here  the  query  naturally  arises  in  the  mind. 
If  the  writings  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments 
are  the  record  of  the  effect  of  God's  Spirit  on  the 
life  of  man,  and  so  are  "Bible,"  why  should  not 
the  effect  of  that  same  Spirit  in  subsequent  eras 
produce  material  which  might  claim  to  be  ''Bible" 
also?  Or,  to  change  the  form  of  the  question,  if 
as  Calvin  teaches,  the  Spirit  of  God  is  still  acting 
on  the  mind  and  heart  of  man  to  the  extent  of 
enforcing  Biblical  truth,  why  should  not  that 
action  now,  as  formerly,  result  in  inspiration  and 
the  production  of  literary  material  of  the  same 
character  and  helpfulness  as  that  in  the  Scriptures, 
and  lead  to  a  fuller  knowledge  of  God  and  his 
ways  and  a  better  application  of  truth  to  life? 
Let  us  rather  ask  the  question,  Is  not  this  just 
what  has  happened  ? 

Our  idea  of  God  compels  us  to  believe  that  he 
has  ever  ministered  to  the  spiritual  wants  of  man 
since  his  creation  by  some  form  of  inspiration; 
it  forbids  us  to  think  that  human  effort  previous 
to  the  time  of  Abraham  should  have  pro- 
duced nothing  in  the  way  of  literature  that  bore 
evidence  of  divine  inspiration,  and  it  is  a  contra- 
diction of  the  words  of  Christ,  "He  shall  guide 
[122] 


The  Calvinistic  Principle  of  Authority 

you  into  all  truth/'  to  doubt  that  God  is  revealing- 
himself  more  and  more  as  Christian  history  pro- 
gresses and  that  this  revelation  finds  a  continual 
expression  in  word  and  thought  and  life. 

Thus  is  formed  the  larger  Bible  of  the  race,  the 
fuller  collection  of  divine  knowledge,  the  ever-in- 
creasing history  of  religious  experience,  the  whole 
literature  of  devotional  expression,  the  growing 
spiritual  consciousness  of  the  whole  world  of  men. 

Yet  the  ancient  Bible  is  the  Book  of  books  and 
ever  will  be,  just  as  Christ  is  King  of  kings,  and 
Hebrew  history  is  the  middle  point  oi  religious 
history.  Nothing  can  ever  be  written  of  such 
vast  worth.  The  sacred  literature  of  this  central 
era  of  history  stands  by  itself.  We  would  insert 
no  recent  writings  within  the  time-consecrated 
limits.  There  is  a  certain  ideal  culmination  of 
revelation  in  the  New  Testament  and  in  Christ 
which  makes  it  impossible  to  conceive  of  a  better 
man,  of  nobler  moral  teaching,  or  a  finer  concept 
of  the  character  of  God.  Here  are  the  funda- 
mentals of  our  religion. 

Nevertheless  the  thought  and  writing  and 
religious  experience  of  men  of  God  since  the  time 
of  the  apostles  are  of  high  value  as  supplemental 
"Bible,"  and  here  and  there  in  the  great  mass  of 
literature  shines  out  the  story  of  the  martyr,  the 
song  and  prayer  oif  the  saint,  the  vision  of  the 
seer,  the  teaching  of  the  prophet  of  God ;  and  men 
finding  in  these  things  that  for  which  their 
souls  are  hungering  and  thirsting  thank  God  for 
an  abiding  inspiration. 

[123] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

A  distinct  feature  of  the  life  of  Christian  nations 
is  the  vast  accumulation  of  scientific  knowledge 
gained  through  discovery  and  invention.  There 
is  a  seeking  for  truth  in  its  every  form,  not  only 
among  the  more  highly  educated  people  but  also 
among  the  general  reading  public.  This  fact  has 
an  important  religious  bearing.  The  common 
knowledge  of  the  greater  discoveries  made  in  the 
realm  of  science,  especially  in  astronomy  and  ge- 
ology, prepare  the  mind  for  a  completer  conception 
of  the  being  of  God.  A  mind  whose  knowledge 
included  but  a  little  world  of  a  few  hundred  miles 
in  extent,  that  conceived  of  the  sun,  moon  and 
stars  as  but  lights  in  the  sky,  that  realized  none  of 
the  laws  of  chemistry  and  biology  and  but  little  of 
the  progress  of  human  history,  must  perforce  con- 
ceive of  God  in  limited  form  as  only  a  greater  and 
better  man,  not  an  infinite,  but  only  a  larger  finite 
being.  But  with  us  the  telescope  has  revealed 
such  vast  and  unthinkable  distances  in  the  uni- 
verse that  infinity  seems  a  necessary  thought  in 
our  concept  of  the  God  who  is  the  origin  of  such 
a  creation,  while  we  at  the  same  time  easily 
ascribe  infinite  wisdom  and  power  to  the  Being 
whose  mind  and  will  guide  and  control  all  the  in- 
tricate movements  of  planet  and  sun  and  star. 
And  on  the  other  hand,  chemistry  with  its  analysis 
of  the  hidden  relations  of  the  different  material 
elements  suplements  our  idea  of  the  infinite  with 
the  idea  of  the  infinitesimal,  that  which  is  in- 
finitely small,  and  reveals  to  us  a  control,  not 
[124] 


The  Calvinistk  Principle  of  Authority 

merely  of  the  great  things  of  the  universe,  but  as 
well  the  very  tiniest.  Still  further  the  record  of 
theology  preserved  on  the  earth's  surface,  eviden- 
cing untold  ages  of  world  history,  and  telling  us 
of  the  progress  of  life  from  its  crude  far-away 
beginnings  up  by  continual  development  to  those 
advanced  forms  which  are  now  on  the  earth, 
offers  a  forceful  suggestion  of  eternity,  and  gives 
a  meaning  to  human  life  which  it  could  not  have 
as  long  as  it  were  thought  of  as  a  sudden  and  im- 
mediate creation. 

To  this  knowledge  of  God  obtained  through 
scientific  discovery  we  must  add  that  which  we 
receive  through  the  study  of  man's  spiritual 
nature  and  spiritual  experiences,  and  a  much  more 
important  element  in  the  larger  Bible  is  the 
religious  history  which  has  been  made  since  the 
time  of  the  apostles.  We  are  scarcely  aware  how 
much  our  thinking  and  character  are  influenced 
by  religious  biography  and  history,  especially  by 
that  which  is  most  recent  and  has  come  within 
the  reach  of  our  own  vision.  Preachers  enforce 
the  teachings  they  draw  from  the  Scriptures  with 
extensive  illustration  from  Church  history  in  all 
its  different  eras.  The  story  of  the  conquest  of 
the*  Roman  empire  by  Christianity,  the  great 
struggle  within  the  Church  which  we  call  the  Ref- 
ormation, the  religious  awakening  under  Wesley 
and  Whitefield  in  England  and  America,  the 
biography  of  great  churchmen  of  all  ages,  the 
heroism  of  martyrs,  the  significant  experience  of 
[125] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

common  m^n,  the  stories  of  triumph  in  foreign 
missions,  the  development  of  different  forms  of 
devotional  life,  and  above  all  the  Christian  life  of 
those  round  about  us  in  home  and  church,  form  a 
body  of  religious  facts  which  has  for  us  the  force 
of  "Bible,''  affording  comfort,  help  and  inspira- 
tion, becoming  even  revelation,  for  is  not  here 
registered  the  action  of  the  Spirit  of  God  on  the 
world  of  people  round  about  us  ? 

We  use  different  terms  in  describing  the 
religious  events  and  phenomena  of  recent  times 
from  what  we  do'  when  referring  to  the  facts  of 
Bible  history,  and  thereby  we  lose  the  significance 
of  the  wonderful  things  that  are  now  happening 
in  the  world.  We  forget  that  "apostle"  means 
"missionary,"  that  "priest"  is  "only  presbyter 
writ  short,"  that  "pastor"  means  "shepherd,"  that 
the  Psalms  are  only  a  collection  of  hymns,  that 
the  Old  Testament  prophets  were  the  great 
preachers  of  their  times,  and  that  their  books  con- 
sist largely  of  sermons;  and  we  falsely  conclude 
that  there  is  only  one  "Holy  Land"  and  only  one 
period  of  inspiration.  We  have  to  make  a  dis- 
tinct mental  effort  to  realize  that  the  deeds  of 
modern  missionaries  are  comparable  with  the 
acts  of  the  apostles,  and  that  Carey,  Moffatt, 
Paton,  Pattison,  Chalmers  and  other  modern 
apostles  of  the  Christ,  have  a  right  to  be  associ- 
ated with  Peter,  James  and  Paul  as  divinely  ap- 
pointed heralds  of  gospel  truth  and  power  to 
benighted  peoples,  and  that  their  labors  are  no 

[126] 


The  Calvinistic  Principle  of  Authority 

less  wonderful,  their  sacrifice  not  less,  God's 
spiritual  presence  with  them  no  less  in  evidence, 
than  when  the  word  of  Jesus  was  new  in  the 
world.  Indeed,  a  review  of  the  progress  of  mis- 
sions since  a.d.  1800  makes  plausible  the  state- 
ment that  the  nineteenth  century,  next  to  the  first, 
is  the  most  important  in  the  world's  religious 
history,  while  to-day  all  over  the  earth  as  never 
before  it  is  possible  to  trace  the  course  of  God's 
spiritual  workings,  and  we  have  only  to  quicken 
our  spiritual  vision  to  look  upon  a  future  world 
where  every  land  shall  be  a  holy  land,  and  every 
people  a  chosen  people  of  God. 

We  have  been  wont  to  think  of  the  Psalms  as 
something  in  religious  literature  distinct  from 
anything  else  ever  produced.  Our  accustomed 
use  of  them,  not  so  much  in  singing  as  in  respon- 
sive reading  in  religious  services,  has  con- 
tributed to  this  result.  Nevertheless,  we  know 
that  the  Psalter  is  simply  the  hymn-book  of  the 
Hebrew  religion,  used  as  such  to  the  present  day, 
and  that  the  Psalms  were  written  to  be  sung  in 
religious  services  and  private  worship.  The 
English  translation  is  not,  however,  so  singable 
as  the  original  Hebrew  rendering,  and  while  for 
a  long  time  the  Psalms  held  an  exclusive  place  in 
the  Protestant  churches,  slowly  and  gradually 
they  have  been  supplanted  as  hymns,  at  first  by 
metrical  versions  of  themselves,  and  later  by  Eng- 
lish hymns  of  recent  composition  and  translations 
from  other  languages.  We  still  read  or  occa- 
[127] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

sionally  chant  the  Psalms  and  are  comforted  and 
exalted  by  their  truth  and  beauty,  but  the  songs 
that  we  really  sing  are  the  product  of  modem 
psalmists,  are  the  poesy  of  our  hearts'  devotion, 
in  the  language  of  our  own  time,  and  expressive 
of  modern  religious  thought  and  life.  Our  finer 
hymns  are  the  work  of  modern  Davids  and 
Miriams,  of  men  and  women  who  have  lived  near 
to  God,  and  have  had  their  natural  poetic  gifts 
enhanced  thereby  that  they  might  give  inspired 
expression  to  devotional  truth  in  such  a  way  as  to 
comfort,  guide  and  uplift  the  followers  of  Christ, 
as  they  render  in  word  and  song  their  personal 
praise  and  service.  The  psalm-book  of  the  ancient 
Hebrews  has  expanded  into  a  mass  of  song  and 
praise,  not  gathered  into  any  one  collection,  but 
found  in  many  lands  and  rendered  in  diverse 
tongues,  at  times  glorious  and  beautifully  expres- 
sive, at  others  simple,  even  cru.de,  but  always 
heartfelt  and  sincere;  the  ways  and  means  by 
which  the  human  spirit  in  all  its  vicissitudes  and 
experiences  gives  form  to  its  aspirations,  its 
ideals  and  its  worshipfulness,  just  as,  long  years 
ago,  the  Jewish  pilgrims  on  their  way  to  festal 
service  on  Mount  Zion  found  in  the  songs  of 
ascent  an  expression  of  their  own  spiritual  am- 
bition and  a  way  in  which  to  worship  Jehovah 
as  they  journeyed  cheerfully  along  the  uneven 
road. 

The  term  "prophet"  is  another  word  for  which 
we  use  a  modern  counterpart.  Half  unconsciously 

[128] 


The  Calvinistic  Principle  of  Authority 

we  give  to  the  Hebrew  teachers  of  God  and 
preachers  of  righteousness  such  a  deep  and  sig- 
nificant reverence  as  to  obscure  the  greatness  of 
the  prophets  of  later  times.  We  often  speak  as 
though  there  had  been  no  prophets  since  John  the 
Baptist,  whom  we  think  of  as  the  "last  of  the 
prophets.'' 

But  we  should  grasp  the  truth  that  our  latest 
period  of  history  is  fairly  glorious  with  the  names 
of  prophets,  not  only  among  the  ordained  min- 
isters of  the  gospel,  but  also  among  the  laymen. 
Beginning  with  Savonarola,  Wyclif  and  Huss, 
we  have  a  long  list  of  men  who  have  been  inter- 
preters of  God  to  men,  who  have  pointed  out  the 
way  of  moral  progress,  who  have  championed  the 
cause  of  religious  reform,  or  given  their  strength 
and  perhaps  their  lives  also  in  the  interests  of 
freedom  and  brotherhood;  and  these  have  been 
and  are  our  prophets.  Because  of  the  wealth  of 
their  prophecy  the  world  of  to-day  fairly  revels  in 
truth,  seems  at  times  almost  intoxicated  with  the 
deep  drafts  it  inhales,  while  reform,  progress  and 
liberty  follow  the  vision  of  truth  with  such  surety 
and  swiftness,  as  compared  with  former  times, 
that  our  nerves  are  almost  dulled  by  the  rapid 
repetition  of  sensations,  and  we  fail  to  appreciate 
the  wonderful  age  in  which  we  live,  which,  judged 
by  actual  progress,  is  in  most  ways  the  most  won- 
derful of  all  history. 

It  is,  then,  a  huge  mistake  to  conclude  that 
authority  has  come  to  an  end.  We  have 
[129] 


The  Bssential  Calvinism 

still  all  the  authority  of  Bible  truth,  and  though 
we  have  a  different  interpretation  of  that  au- 
thority, we  have  one  just  as  forceful  as  that 
which  appealed  so  strongly  to  our  forefathers. 
And  to  this  we  add  the  corroborative  authority  of 
later  thought  and  experience  and  accomplishment, 
and  conclude  that  in  reality  mankind  is  possessed 
of  a  surer  religious  sense  and  judgment  than 
ever  before. 

But  we  might  still  be  confused  if  we  allowed 
the  emphasis  of  authority  to  be  placed  upon  creed, 
or  the  form  of  our  intellectual  belief.  The  true 
center  of  authority  is  not  in  the  intellectual  but 
in  the  moral  realm ;  right  living,  not  exact  think- 
ing, is  the  burden  of  Christ's  message.  From 
this  point  of  view  we  can  see  how  authority  is 
gaining,  not  losing,  under  present  conditions. 
Christ's  moral  and  religious  message  is  authorita- 
tive as  never  before.  He  has  declared  that  God 
is  our  spiritual  Father,  and  the  new  century 
counts  by  increasing  millions  those  who  thus 
looking  upon  God  enforce  the  authority  of  this 
truth.  He  asserted  the  spiritual  nature  of  man, 
and  to-day  this  truth  has  come  to  greater  power 
by  the  enlargement  of  experience,  and  because  of 
the  study  of  man's  higher  nature  in  a  careful, 
scientific  way  and  the  discoveries  consequent 
upon  this  study.  Christ  gave  the  world  a  picture 
of  the  righteous  life,  and  made  the  offer  of  divine 
help  to  those  who^  would  follow  in  his  steps,  and 
each  chronicle  of  history  recounts  the  success 
[130] 


The  Calvinistic  Principle  of  Authority 

of  additional  numbers  of  notable  men  who  have 
realized  the  promise  in  a  glorious  way,  while  the 
rank  and  file  of  men  possessing  the  same  moral 
vigor  give  power  to  this  word  in  the  humbler 
circles  of  life. 

Then,  too,  the  growing  sense  of  social  obliga- 
tion, the  increase  of  practical  brotherhood,  and, 
most  striking  of  all,  the  world-wide  demand  for 
freedom  and  equality  of  opportunity,  and  the  rec- 
ognition of  the  justice  of  this  demand,  make  force- 
fully authoritative  Christ's  assertion  of  social  duty 
as  pictured  in  the  parable  of  the  Good  Samaritan. 

We  reach  then  this  conclusion:  the  religious 
consciousness  of  the  race  has  come  to  have  as  its 
content  a  larger  measure  of  truth,  an  increasing 
unity  of  expression,  a  common  feeling  of  obliga- 
tion under  the  terms  of  the  fatherhood  of  God 
and  the  brotherhood  of  man,  and  an  ever  nearer 
approach  to  reality;  and  there  is  created  thereby 
a  standard  of  authority,  adequate  to  the  con- 
ditions and  demands  of  the  present  and  perhaps 
for  many  future  generations,  or  until  a  larger 
sense  of  truth  and  a  diviner  life  shall  afford  a  new 
and  better  basis  of  religious  and  moral  judgment. 

"God  is  not  dumb  that  he  should  speak  no 

more; 
If  thou  hast  wanderings  in  the  wilderness 
And  find'st  not  Sinai,  'tis  thy  soul  is  poor; 
There  towers  the  Mountain  of  the  Voice  no 

less, 
Which  whoso   seeks   shall  find,   but  he  who 

bends 

[131] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

Intent  on  manna  still  and  mortal  ends, 
Sees  it  not,  neither  hears  its  thundered  lore. 

"Slowly  the  Bible  of  the  race  is  writ, 
And  not  on  paper  leaves,  nor  leaves  of  stone; 
Each  age,  each  kindred,  adds  a  verse  to  it. 
Texts  of  despair  or  hope,  of  joy  or  moan. 
While     swings     the     sea,     while     mists    the 

mountains  shroud. 
While    thunder's    surges    burst    on   cliff   and 

cloud. 
Still  at  the  prophets'  feet  the  nations  sit." 


[  132  ]i 


CHAPTER  VII 
THE  ELEMENTS  OF  THEOCRACY 


CHAPTER  VII 
THE  ELEMENTS  OF  THEOCRACY 

The  theocratic  government  of  Geneva  has  been 
the  object  of  a  good  deal  of  criticism.  It  is 
looked  upon  as  autocratic,  oppressive,  one-sided, 
and  for  all  but  that  time  and  place,  impractical, 
an  attempt  to  realize  the  impossible.  But 
criticism  often  confuses  the  essential  and  the  in- 
cidental elements  of  the  Genevan  theocracy,  fail- 
ing to  note  that  the  more  objectionable  things  in 
the  governmental  policy  of  the  city  did  not  neces- 
sarily appertain  to  a  government  of  this  character, 
but  are  just  as  likely  to  appear  under  any  form 
of  administration. 

In  general,  we  understand  theocracy  to 
mean  a  form  of  government  wherein  the  attempt 
is  made  to  have  a  divine  direction  given  to  the 
affairs  of  State;  God  is  the  real  sovereign,  the 
rulers  and  prophets  are  his  agents  and  inter- 
preters ;  the  citizens  of  the  nation  are  first  of  all  i 
citizens  of  the  divine  kingdom ;  laws  obeyed  or 
broken  imply  acts  in  obedience  or  defiance  of 
God's  will,  and  crime  is  in  its  essence  a  sin  against 
God. 

The  fact  that  these  principles  were  given  appli- 
cation in  Geneva  does  not  of  itself  furnish  ground 
for  hostile  criticism.     The  emphasis  of  the  critic 

[135] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

rests  elsewhere.  Certain  restrictions  on  liberty 
of  belief,  some  rather  tyrannical  sumptuary  regu- 
lations, unduly  harsh  laws  and  rigid  execution  of 
them,  are  largely  responsible  for  what  odium  at- 
taches tO'  the  common  idea  of  theocracy. 
Furthermore,  a  conclusion  was  drawn  from  the 
idea  of  crime  as  a  sin  against  God  that  was  un- 
warrantable. It  was  declared  not  only  that  a 
>\  crime  was  a  sin  against  God,  but  also  that  a  sin 
against  God  was  a  crime  and  punishable  as  such 
by  the  magistrate.  But  this  was  going  beyond 
the  divine  commission,  even  as  stated  by  the  the- 
ocrat  himself,  that  the  magistrate  is  ordained  of 
God  for  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  for 
the  maintenance  of  peace  and  order  and  the  sup- 
port of  public  worship;  for  there  is  a  part  in  the 
being  of  each  individual  which  is  outside  of  the 
reach  of  government,  and  for  which  he  is  not 
responsible  to  his  fellow  men,  but  only  to  God. 
It  is  really  a  contravention  of  theocracy  when  the 
State  attempts  to  take  cognizance  of  the  inner  life 
of  the  man.  It  steps  in  between  the  subject  and 
his  real  sovereign.  The  execution  of  law  reaches 
only  the  outward  act  of  theft  and  murder, 
and  has  no  administrative  concern  with  the  state 
of  mind  and  heart  which  leads  to  such  acts.  It 
is  true  that  the  State  is  deeply  concerned  in  the 
moral  character  of  its  citizens,  and  may  change 
environment  and  alter  conditions  to  favor  the  best 
moral  development,  but  it  cannot  enforce  the 
moral  law  on  the  inner  man.       The  attempt  to 

V  [136] 


The  Blements  of  Theocracy 

make  people  good  by  legislation  is  foredoomed  to  [/ 
failure. 

The  Genevan  theocracy  had  the  appearance  of 
being  autocratic,  and  unconsciously  our  concep- 
tion of  what  constitutes  a  theocracy  is  tinged  with 
this  idea,  and  we  feel  as  though  a  government 
which  tried  to  repeat  the  Genevan  experiment 
could  not  be  a  government  by  the  people  and  for 
the  people.  But  it  is  for  us  yet  to  discover  that 
theocracy  may  come  to  its  noblest  manifestation 
under  democracy,  and  be  the  more  truly  what  its 
name  implies  because  not  one,  or  a  few,  but  the 
many  constitute  the  agency  by  which  the  divine 
will  for  the  nation  may  come  to  practical  ex- 
pression. 

It  is  scarcely  possible  to  come  to  any  idea  of 
government  without  giving  it  a  theological  basis 
of  some  sort.  Morals,  order,  justice,  equality, 
association  are  as  characteristic  of  religion  as  of 
the  State,  and  in  either  case  they  are  traced  back 
to  their  origin  in  the  will  of  God.  And  there  are, 
after  all,  but  a  few  alternatives  for  a  theological 
foundation  of  government.  Three  typical  forms 
of  government  present  themselves:  (i)  Theoc- 
racy, based  on  the  idea  of  a  personal  God,  the 
Jehovah  of  nations,  who  is  the  real  sovereign; 
(2)  Positivism,  allied  to  agnosticism,  which  seeks 
within  man  himself  all  the  principles  necessary 
for  law  and  government  and  morals;  (3)  Pan- 
theism, based  on  the  idea  of  an  impersonal  deity 
who  reaches  expression  in  all  forms  of  life,  and 
[137] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

the  highest  expression  in  the  most  intellectual 
being. 

Christian  thought  finds  but  one  of  these  accept- 
able. It  demands  a  theocracy  in  some  form 
whether  it  prefers  this  name  or  some  other.  Even 
in  the  first  era  of  the  Church,  the  apostles  taught 
their  followers  to  obey  the  magistrates  as  repre- 
senting a  divine  order  and  authority  in  society, 
and  now  that  Christianity  has  come  to  be  the 
dominant  religion  of  many  nations,  it  is  to  be  ex- 
pected that  its  doctrine  of  God  should  find  ex- 
pression in  law  and  government. 

Calvin  was  a  theocrat.  In  extended  and  force- 
ful argument  he  taught  away  the  distinction 
which  medieval  society  had  made  between  the 
sacred  and  the  secular;  Church  and  State  were 
to  him  equally  manifestations  of  the  divine  will  — 
God's  will  for  the  individual  man  lost  in  sin,  and 
God's  will  for  the  man  in  the  social  and  political 
relations  of  life.  At  Calvin's  suggestion  civil 
government  and  church  government  had  a  joint 
establishment^ in  Geneva  for  the  purpose  of  cre- 
ating  a  truly  Christian  society.  In  general  it  was 
/  a     thoroughgoing    success.       The    moral     and 

religious  condition  of  the  city  was  vastly  im- 
/  \  proved,  the  intellectual  standard  of  the  people  was 
raised,  government  was  made  efficacious,  industry 
became  prosperous,  while  the  city's  influence,  upon 
the  rest  of  Switzerland  and  upon  Europe,  remark- 
ably exceeded  its  relative  political  importance  and 
wealth.       Some  of  the  methods  employed,    even 

[138] 


The  Elements  of  Theocracy 

some  of  the  purposes  stated  were  unwarranted,  to 
say  the  least,  but  in  the  main  the  results  attained 
were  a  justification  of  the  larger  purpose  of  the 
Genevan  theocracy. 

When  Calvin  first  attempted  to  put  into  opera- 
tion his  theocratic  ideas  in  the  government  of 
Geneva,  he  so  roused  the  hostility  of  the  more 
licentious  portion  of  the  populace  that  he  was 
forced  into  exile,  and  the  attempt  seemed  for  a 
while  a  complete  failure.  But  the  anarchy  and 
license,  which  followed  the  removal  of  his  strong 
influence  from  the  city,  brought  the  better  classes 
of  the  people  to  the  conclusion  that  even  a  strict 
theocracy  was  preferable  to  disorder,  and  when 
Calvin  returned  upon  their  invitation,  it  was  to 
become  and  remain  for  the  rest  of  his  days  the 
dominant  force  in  the  city's  life.  He  was  not 
able  to  bring  about  all  the  changes  that  he  desired, 
but  in  the  main  his  plans  and  policies  were  carried 
out  in  both  Church  and  State,  to  such  an  extent 
that  he  was  the  virtual  ruler  of  the  city  though 
holding  no  civil  office. 

There  is  no  dispute,  then,  as  to  the  statement 
that  the  government  of  Geneva  under  Calvin  was 
a  theocracy,  in  so  far  as  human  wisdom  and  ef- 
fort could  make  it  so.  His  teaching  was  that 
Christ  was  supreme  both  over  the  Church  and 
over  the  State  —  his  will  and  teaching  were  to  be 
followed  in  the  one  as  in  the  other. 

It  is  fortunate  for  later  developments  that  the 
theocratic  plan  was  applied  in  so  significant  a  case, 
[139] 


\ 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

in  a  government  whose  formal  structure  was 
democratic.  Calvin  himself  did  not  have  any 
special  predilection  for  any  one  form  of  govern- 
ment as  over  against  another,  either  in  civil  or 
religious  affairs,  and  his  personal  feeling  was 
somewhat  aristocratic.  Nevertheless  Calvin's 
intellectual  conceptions  and  theological  teachings 
were  thoroughly  democratic  both  in  theory  and 
application,  and  the  field  of  the  Genevan  Republic 
was  soil  singularly  fitted  for  the  growth  of  his 
planting. 

The  foundation  thought  of  the  Calvinistic 
democracy  is  the  so-called  doctrine  of  the  priest- 
hood of  all  believers ;  whether  then,  a  man  regard 
himself  as  a  church  member  or  a  citizen  he  takes 
his  privilege  and  his  duty  direct  from  God.  This 
is  the  essence  of  the  theory ;  in  application  it  must 
have  organized  form.  With  Calvin  it  took  the 
shape  of  two  autonomies,  one  for  civil  and  one  for 
religious  life.  The  citizens  of  one  were  the  mem- 
bers of  the  other,  but  the  two  activities  were  kept 
distinct,  at  the  same  time  being  very  closely  allied, 
and  similar  in  gradation  and  structure.  In  either 
case  the  foundation  of  government  was  the  people. 
The  republic  had  two  councils  with  legislative 
powers,  and  four  syndics  as  administrators  of 
public  affairs.  The  Church  had  as  a  legislative 
body  a  consistory  made  up  of  both  lay  and  clerical 
members,  and  its  policies  were  carried  out  by 
the  Venerable  Company,  a  body  made  up  of 
the  pastors  of  the  city.  With  such  a  form  of 
[140] 


The  Elements  of  Theocracy 

organization  the  Genevese  set  out  under  Calvin's 
influence  and  guidance  to  establish  a  purely- 
Christian  society. 

In  describing  the  different  steps  in  the  forma- 
tion of  this  theocracy  it  may  be  best  to  pass  by 
Calvin's  first  efforts,  which  were  followed  by  his 
banishment,  and  take  up  the  progress  of  things 
subsequent  to  his  recall  in  1541. 

The  immediate  cause  of  Calvin's  exile  had  been 
his  insistence  upon  a  strict  discipline  in  the  man- 
agement of  Church  affairs,  which  included  an 
oath  on  the  part  of  the  citizens  not  only  to  abide 
by  the  discipline,  but  also  to  accept  the  confession 
of  faith.  Before  Calvin  accepted  the  invitation  to 
return,  he  stipulated  that  this  discipline  and  con- 
fession should  be  a  part  of  the  fundamental  law 
of  the  republic;  every  citizen  was  to  subscribe 
thereto;  and  as  the  material  for  these  documents 
was  derived  from  the  Bible,  this  was  equivalent 
to  an  oath  of  obedience  to  the  divine  law  as  there 
expressed. 

Following  closely  in  logical  order  after  the 
book  of  discipline  came  the  catechism,  the  purpose 
of  which  was  to  educate  the  people  in  the  knowl- 
edge of  Christian  doctrine;  and  as  a  sequent 
development  of  this  there  followed  the  establish- 
ment of  a  system  of  elementary  schools,  the  main 
intention  of  which  was  to  make  it  possible  for 
every  citizen  to  read  the  Bible  for  himself  and 
learn  therefrom  directly  the  lessons  of  truth  and 
life,  and  by  so  doing  to  become  worthy  members 

[  141  ] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

of  the  theocracy.  There  was  established  also  an 
academy,  a  higher  institution  of  learning,  which 
was  intended  as  a  training-school  for  teachers  and 
preachers  and  religio^us  scholars ;  the  republic  was 
by  this  means  to  be  supplied  with  educated  and 
worthy  leaders  and  pastors. 

Church  and  school  having  been  provided  for,  it 
remained  to  revise  the  civil  law  according  to  a 
Biblical  plan.  A  high  standard  of  citizenship  was 
set  up  and  laws  were  enacted  for  the  purpose  of 
bringing  every  citizen  up  to  this  standard.  These 
laws  were  strict  to  burdensomeness.  Attend- 
ance at  religious  services  was  obligatory,  educa- 
tion was  compulsory,  gambling,  drunkenness, 
loafing  in  taverns,  profanity,  extravagance, 
immodesty  in  dress,  irreligious  songs,  immoral 
novels  and  other  books,  heresy,  worship  of  images 
and  blasphemy  were  forbidden  in  the  new  code  of 
laws  and  transgressions  of  them  were  severely 
punished.  It  might  almost  go  without  saying 
that  these  laws  were  not  finally  established  until  a 
battle  had  been  fought,  but  that  battle  over  and 
the  libertine  party  vanquished,  the  theocracy  pro- 
ceeded triumphant  on  its  way  and  made  of 
Geneva  the  capital  of  the  Reformed  Church. 

One  more  thing  came  within  the  reach  of  the 
theocratic  purpose.  The  government  initiated  a 
policy  of  industrialism  which  was  called  for  by 
the  exigencies  of  the  situation.  Refugees  came 
from  many  lands  to  the  famous  city  and  they  had 
to  be  provided  for.  Work  was  given  them.  Old 
[142] 


The  Elements  of  Theocracy 

industries  were  expanded,  new  industries  intro- 
duced, so  that  Geneva  became  as  remarkable  for 
its  thrift  as  its  religion.  But  without  these 
peculiar  conditions  it  would  have  been  thoroughly 
in  accord  with  the  theocratic  principle  to  care  for 
the  industrial  as  well  as  the  religious  needs  of  the 
people;  for  the  whole  range  of  human  activities 
and  interests  is  through  the  working  out  of  this 
principle  brought  under  control  for  beneficent 
ends. 

But  what  is  the  historic  import  of  this  achieve- 
ment of  Calvin's?  Has  it  a  fruitage  in  modern 
conditions  at  all  comparable  with  that  oi  his 
theological  work? 

To  answer  this  query  we  shall  need  first  of  all 
to  remove  from  the  Genevan  theocracy  those 
elements  that  are  purely  local  or  non-essential. 
We  may  drop,  then,  the  peculiar  form  of  govern- 
ment which  was  partly  of  native  origin  and  partly 
the  work  of  Calvin.  We  may  take  away  also  the 
unnecessary  strictness  of  law  and  the  harshness  of 
its  enforcement.  Again  we  may  deny  that  a  sin 
against  God  is  necessarily  a  crime  to  be  dealt  with 
by  the  magistrate,  and  again  we  may  allow  a 
freedom  of  behavior,  of  worship  and  of  faith. 

When  we  have  done  this,  our  conception  of 
theocracy  will  be :  ( i )  that  the  real  ruler  of  the 
nation  is  the  eternal  personal  God;  (2)  that  the 
laws  of  nations  should  be  based  upon  and  be  ex- 
pressions of  the  moral  order  divinely  established ; 
(3)  that  the  rulers  are  such  for  the  purpose  of 

[143] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

maintaining  this  order  with  equivalent  justice  for 
all;  (4)  that  it  is  the  work  of  organized  society, 
Church  and  State,  to  provide  for  the  moral  and 
material  improvement  of  the  people  within  their 
jurisdiction;  and  in  a  truly  Christian  society  to 
apply  the  principle  of  brotherhood  to  every  depart- 
ment of  life. 

Theocracy  possessing  these  salient  features 
along  with  local  peculiarities  is  easily  recognized 
in  the  Dutch  Republic,  in  England  under  the 
protectorate  of  Cromwell  and  in  New  England  in 
its  early  history.  But  it  is  not  understood  how 
thoroughly  theocratic  principles  have  pervaded 
law  and  life  in  the  great  American  republic  of  to- 
day, nor  is  it  understood  that  it  is  the  adoption  of 
these  principles  that  differentiates  the  United 
States  from  other  nations  having  similar  constitu- 
tions and  purporting  to  be  sister  republics.  But 
the  truth  is  that  no  other  people  in  history,  not 
even  excepting  the  Jewish  nation,  were  ever  so 
theocratic  as  the  American  people  of  the  present 
time,  or  have  tried  to  realize  with  such  sincerity 
and  devotion  ideas  of  life  derived  from  Scriptural 
teaching.  The  theocratic  idea  never  had  so  great 
opportunity  nor  so  vast  expression.  No  such 
mass  of  people  were  ever  so  responsive  to  divine 
leadership  or  tried  so  unitedly  to  carry  out  the 
divine  will.  It  is  an  unpardonable  error  to  think 
of  the  American  people,  as  so  many  do,  as  entirely 
carried  away  by  the  commercial  spirit.  It  is  easy 
to  be  misled  by  appearances,  for  the  industrial  life 
[  144] 


The  Elements  of  Theocracy 

of  America  is  so  gigantic  and  requires  such  a  huge 
army  of  workers,  and  involves  so  much  time  and 
thought  and  effort  spent  on  purely  material  aims, 
that  there  seems  neither  room  nor  time  for  any- 
thing else.  But  it  is  only  seeming.  Americans 
are  above  all  idealists.  In  the  midst  even  of  their 
commercial  pursuits,  they  are  thinking  of  and 
working  for  ideal  conditions  under  which 
to  conduct  industry  and  apportion  the  results  of 
labor.  They  have  a  noble  ideal  of  national  life 
and  for  the  individual  man  a  type  no  less  noble. 
Freedom  and  spontaneity  they  seek  in  their 
religious  life.  The  New  England  home  with  its 
exaltation  of  womanhood  has  become  the  nation's 
ideal,  and  a  new  love  and  appreciation  of  child- 
hood is  taking  possession  of  the  land.  The  edu- 
cational scheme  includes  all  children  and  in  most 
parts  of  the  country  instruction  is  free  until  the 
completion  of  the  high  school  course.  There  is 
also  an  eager  longing  for  art  that  is  typically 
American,  for  music  that  shall  beat  in  a  new-world 
rhythm  and  for  a  literature  that  shall  voice  the 
ideal,  as  well  as  the  real,  in  American  life. 

Theocracy  has  its  real  opportunity  in  a  re- 
public. It  is  a  false  notion  that  couples  it  with 
aristocracy,  and  in  America  where  approximately 
a  third  of  the  population  are  members  of  Chris- 
tian churches,  and  nearly  as  many  more  are  under 
Christian  instruction,  and  millions  of  others  are 
but  less  closely  connected  with  church  life  and 
work,  and  all  of  these  in  conscious  unity  look  to 
[145] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

God  as  their  heavenly  Father  to  whom  first 
obedience  is  due,  the  force  of  moral  influence  thus 
generated  is  simply  incalculable,  it  is  a  thing  such 
as  never  was  before  and  it  perforce  makes  the 
nation  theocratic  whether  it  will  or  no. 

If  we  turn  to  American  law  and  the  Constitu- 
tion we  shall  be  impressed  with  the  theocratic 
character  of  their  make-up.  It  is  stated  on  good 
authority  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  was  modeled  on  the  constitution  at  that 
time  in  force  in  the  state  of  Connecticut,  which 
in  turn  was  founded  on  the  Scriptures.  Whether 
this  be  true  or  not,  the  Constitution  certainly  car- 
ries out  the  leading  social  thought  of  the 
gospel.  The  purposes  expressed  in  the  preamble 
and  provided  for  in  the  text  are  unity,  justice, 
peace,  defense,  common  welfare,  liberty.  The  Bible 
is  not  mentioned  nor  the  name  of  God  used  in  any 
part  of  the  document,  but  it  is  nevertheless  true 
that  the  Christian  principles  of  government  never 
were  so  fairly  stated  in  any  national  constitution. 
There  is  no  provision  for  an  established  church, 
but  for  all  that  no  churches  ever  had  so  firm  a 
constitutional  basis  as  the  American.  No  docu- 
ment of  its  kind,  perhaps,  has  so  little  to  say 
about  religion,  none  so  much  to  do  with  real 
religious  principles.  The  political  equality  de- 
manded, the  brotherhood  principle  of  unity,  the 
personal  liberty  assured,  the  purpose  of  promoting 
the  general  welfare,  are  practical  applications  of 
Christian  teaching  to  the  theory  and  practise  of 

[146] 


The  Elements  of  Theocracy 

government.  The  chief  magistrate  as  he  enters 
upon  his  office  takes  solemn  oath  that  he  will  "pre- 
serve, protect  and  defend"  the  Constitution,  and 
it  is  prescribed  in  that  Constitution  that  he  is  to 
"take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed." 
And  what  the  President  is  required  to  do  is  ex- 
pected of  other  magistrates  in  their  own  special 
sphere  of  activity;  they  pledge  themselves  as  ser- 
vants of  the  people  to  carry  o-ut  the  purposes  of 
the  law  and  Constitution. 

A  review  of  the  laws  which  presidents  and 
governors  are  required  to  see  executed,  reveals 
most  clearly  the  theocratic  nature  of  the  Amer- 
ican commonwealth,  and  the  resemblance  of 
American  laws  in  purpose  and  form  to  those  of 
sixteenth-century  Geneva  is  remarkably  striking, 
and  while  it  is  true  that  they  are  not  so  drastic, 
and  omit  some  of  the  subjects  of  Genevan  legis- 
lation, it  is  to  be  noted  that  in  many  ways  they 
reach  out  beyond  the  limits  of  effort  in  the  older 
republic;  for  new  conditions  have  arisen,  in  the 
more  complex  life  of  to-day,  which  call  for  the  ap- 
plication of  law  upon  things  which  in  simpler 
times  could  be  trusted  to  care  for  themselves. 

This  finds  an  apt  illustration  in  the  laws  and 
provisions  which  concern  child  life.  The  laws 
providing  for  free  and  compulsory  education 
have  as  their  objective  a  nation  composed  of  edu- 
cated citizens.  Conditions  do  not  favor  extensive 
religious  teaching  in  the  public  schools,  but  still  a 
certain  moral  discipline  is  insisted  on  that  in  most 

[147] 


The  Bssential  Calvinism 

cases  is  of  remedial  force.  In  addition  to  this 
is  the  more  important  fact  that  a  very  large  pro- 
portion of  the  teaching  force  is  composed  of 
Christians,  the  influence  of  whose  example  and 
behavior  goes  far  to  make  up  for  a  formal  teach- 
ing of  religion.  And  we  may  add  to  this  the 
custom  which  prevails  in  many  states  of  reading 
from  the  Scriptures  at  opening  exercises.  And 
the  conviction  is  growing  stronger  with  each  year 
that  passes  that  a  mental  training  is  useless,  is 
oftentimes  even  dangerous,  unless  it  be  accom- 
panied by  a  moral  education.  The  theocratic 
purpose  of  the  public  schools  of  America  finds 
expression  in  a  roundabout  way,  but  it  is  the- 
ocratic after  all  —  the  schools  exist  for  the  pur- 
pose of  providing  the  nation  with  educated  Chris- 
tian citizens. 

But  modern  legislation  goes  beyond  the  mere 
educational  care  of  the  children;  it  provides 
homes  for  those  that  are  orphans,  asylums  for 
those  that  are  blind,  deaf  and  dumib,  and  special 
institutions  for  the  defective.  It  seeks  also 
to  protect  the  child  from  parental  abuse,  and 
is  beginning  to  insist  with  increasing  strictness 
that  the  child  shall  not  be  exploited  as  an  indus- 
trial factor  by  either  parent  or  employer.  The 
cities  are  assuming  the  hygienic  care  of  the  chil- 
dren in  their  schools,  are  providing  industrial 
training  for  both  sexes  and  furnishing  play- 
grounds, gymnasiums,  baths  and  reading-rooms. 
By  ever-increasing  effort  the  American  people 

[148] 


The  Elements  of  Theocracy 

seek  to  establish  the  best  conditions  possible  for 
child  life.  It  is  heresy  now  to  leave  uncared  for 
the  progress  of  a  child's  life;  it  is  more  than  that, 
it  is  crime. 

The  Church  was  formerly  the  agency  which 
cared  for  the  poor  and  the  dependent.  A  the- 
ocratic spirit  in  the  State  has  taken  this  office  in 
large  degree  away  from  the  Church  and  thereby 
creates  a  benevolent  institution,  not  always  show- 
ing the  same  sentiment  and  sympathy  as  the  other 
body,  but  perchance  many  times  distributing  with 
a  more  even  justice  and  greater  wisdom.  A 
vast  sum  is  spent  every  year  by  the  different  states 
for  benevolent  purposes,  and  the  express  purpose 
of  laws  regarding  this  subject  is,  that  every  de- 
pendent person,  of  whatever  age  or  sex,  shall  have 
some  place  of  abode,  plentiful  though  plain  food 
and  the  simpler  comforts  of  life.  The  dependent 
insane  are  cared  for  in  public  institutions,  free 
hospitals  are  becoming  common,  while  move- 
ments are  on  foot  for  the  establishing  of  sanitori- 
ums  for  tuberculous  patients  who  are  unable  to 
provide  needed  treatment  for  themselves.  In  the 
great  cities  benevolences  assume  enormous  propor- 
tions and  extend  even  to  the  hygienic  care  oi 
people  and  places  and  the  inspection  of  milk  and 
meat  and  other  food  products.  And  the  end  is 
not  yet. 

Quite  recently  public  attention  has  been  called 
to  a  new  movement  in  the  administration  of 
criminal  justice.  The  purpose  of  this  project  is 
[  149] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

not  so  much  punishment  for  so  much  crime,  but 
the  improvement  and  reform  of  the  drunkard  and 
the  criminal  of  milder  type.  It  is  a  system  of 
probation.  The  court  takes  a  parental  care  of 
such  delinquents  as  come  before  it,  and  they  are 
allowed  freedom  during  good  behavior  and  are 
individually  watched  over  by  some  officer  ap- 
pointed for  that  purpose  by  the  court.  Of  like 
character  and  purpose  is  the  juvenile  court  of 
some  American  cities  wherein  the  judge  acts  in 
loco  parentis  for  young  offenders.  Through 
these  institutions  the  State  takes  on  the  character 
of  a  remedial  organization,  combining  moral  in- 
fluence with  authority.  This  whole  policy  of 
caring  for  those  who  cannot  or  who  will  not  take 
care  of  themselves,  is  thoroughly  theocratic  in  its 
nature  and  is  characteristic  of  Christian  countries 
and  most  of  all  the  United  States. 

A  like  tendency  is  to  be  seen  in  efforts  dealing 
with  the  industrial  problem.  The  American 
people  have  never  taken  kindly  to  the  doc- 
trine of  laissez  faire.  At  one  time  a  large 
party  sincerely  advocated  an  absolute  freedom  of 
trade.  But  the  purely  doctrinaire  position  on 
this  subject  has  been  practically  abandoned  by 
publicists,  and  in  its  place  has  come  a  sense, 
national  and  unsectional,  which  looks  for  an  intel- 
ligent care  of  industrial  interests  of  all  kinds  on 
the  part  both  of  national  and  state  governments. 
Instead  of  violent  and  extended  arguments  about 
the  tariff,  public  speakers  are  busy  with  a  new 
[ISO] 


The  Elements  of  Theocracy 

program,  a  gospel  of  fair  play  and  just  wages  for 
the  worker,  a  gospel  of  responsibility  for  the 
owners  of  wealth,  and  a  gospel  which  preaches 
the  common  interest  of  the  people  at  large  in  the 
face  of  both  contesting  parties.  Slowly  and 
surely  this  gospel  is  being  written  into  law  and 
statute.  So  we  have  laws  limiting  the  hours  of 
labor,  requiring  weekly  payment  of  wages;  em- 
ployers' liability  laws,  enforcement  of  safety  ap- 
pliances on  railroads  and  many  other  provisions 
of  like  import.  Efforts  are  being  made  to  give 
the  government  at  least  a  partial  control  of  wealth 
through  inheritance  or  income  taxes,  but  more 
especially  through  laws  relating  to  interstate  com- 
merce, insisting  upon  equitable  transportation 
rates  and  upon  the  quality  of  food  products  to  be 
offered  for  sale  outside  of  the  producing  state, 
and  through  laws  forbidding  unjust  combinations 
in  restraint  of  trade.  The  reform  along  this  line 
seems  tO'  have  but  begun.  In  an  advisory  way 
also  the  national  government  attempts  the  leader- 
ship and  instruction  of  the  people  by  departments 
devoted  to  agriculture,  manufactures  and  labor. 
All  this  has  been  termed  in  a  detractive  way  "pa- 
ternalism" ;  but  instead  of  being  a  nickname,  this 
word,  taken  in  its  nobler  meaning,  or  a  word  of 
equivalent  sense,  will  be  used  to  describe  the 
theocratic  attitude  of  modern  government  toward 
the  industrial  interests  of  the  people. 

More  strikingly,  but  not  more  really,  is  this 
principle  shown  in  laws  which  have  as  their  pur- 
[iSi] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

pose  the  moral  defense  or  improvement  of  the 
people.  We  have  long  had  laws  enforcing  with 
considerable  strictness  the  cessation  of  common 
labor  on  the  Sabbath,  laws  forbidding  gambling, 
immoral  books,  pictures  and  plays,  prostitution, 
public  obscenity  and  profanity.  But  undoubtedly 
the  greatest  effort  and  greatest  success  of  this  kind 
has  been  the  movement  tO'  stifle  the  liquor  traflic. 
A  century  of  temperance  agitation  is  coming  to  a 
close  in  this  nation.  It  finds  whole  states  given 
to  the  policy  of  prohibition ;  large  sections  in  other 
states  pursuing  the  same  policy,  while  a  growing 
sentiment  and  a  wiser  use  of  law  bid  fair  to  win 
for  this  cause  a  complete  victory  ere  long.  And 
when  this  work  shall  be  done  it  is  not  likely  that 
the  American  people  will  be  satisfied  to  endure 
other  evils  of  a  related  nature,  but  will  through 
agitation  and  law  enactment  effect  a  still  better 
moral  environment  for  themselves  and  their 
children. 

But  America  is  not  alone  in  possessing  this 
theocratic  force.  We  find  it  also  in  England  and 
her  colonies ;  it  is  represented  by  parties  at  least  in 
Germany,  Holland,  Belgium  and  France;  and 
even  Spain  and  Italy,  wonderstruck  at  American 
progress,  are  coming  into  sympathy  with  the 
methods  by  which  this  progress  is  being  achieved. 
A  social  miracle  has  come  to  pass  in  Turkey,  and 
in  the  Far  East  Japan  is  reflecting  the  influence  of 
American  thought ;  while  even  China  seeks  to  care 
for  the  moral  welfare  of  its  many  millions  by  the 

[152] 


The  Elements  of  Theocracy 

prohibition  of  the  opium  habit.  In  every  nation 
on  the  earth  the  gospel  of  Christ  and  the  eternal 
Father  is  being  preached  and  lived.  A  new  unity 
is  coming  to  the  world  in  thought  and  feeling,  in 
law  and  government,  in  type  of  living.  The 
foundation  is  being  laid  for  a  world  republic  per- 
vaded by  Christian  ideas  and  guided  by  Christian 
purposes.  Theocracy  has  not  ended.  It  has  just 
begun. 


[153] 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE 
DYNAMICS  OF  PROTESTANTISM 


CHAPTER  VIII 
THE  DYNAMICS  OF  PROTESTANTISM 

There  is  considerable  familiarity  in  common 
thinking  with  the  statics  of  the  Reformation,  — 
creed,  tradition,  convention,  statistics,  polity, 
theology  and  historic  facts.  There  is  not  such 
familiarity  with  the  dynamics  of  the  Reformation, 
—  those  forces  and  principles  which,  coming  to 
expression  in  the  sixteenth  century,  really  pro- 
duced that  great  movement. 

It  is  possible  to  take  a  photograph  of  a  river 
that  is  wonderfully  real,  or  for  the  artist  to  depict 
a  landscape  with  line  and  color  so  true  that  the 
eye  is  almost  deceived.  But  in  either  case  the 
likeness  never  changes,  the  river  flows  not  away, 
the  grass  waves  not  in  the  breeze,  changes  of 
season  never  come;  nothing  ever  grows  or  moves 
in  a  picture.  There  is  a  reality  and  a  beauty 
which  the  artist  can  never  put  upon  canvas,  the 
great  truth  of  change  and  growth  and  the  poetry 
of  motion.  His  art  is  only  a  window,  through 
which  we  look  out  upon  the  world  of  men  and 
things,  and  see  the  ceaseless  movement  that  is 
taking  place,  and  infer  the  tremendous  forces  that 
are  at  work  everywhere  in  the  universe. 

It  might  be  possible  to  write  a  history  of  the 
Reformation  which  would  have  the  true  accuracy 

[157] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

of  the  photograph,  or  a  series  of  photographs,  or 
have  the  visional  quahty  seen  in  the  masterpieces 
of  the  painter's  art,  that  yet  should  not  reveal  to 
the  eye  of  the  mind  those  elementary  forces  that 
were  the  cause  of  all  this  history,  and  only  sug- 
gest to  the  imagination  that  ceaseless  and  irresist- 
ible current  of  modern  thought  and  life  which 
has  brought  the  Western  world  to  its  present  state 
of  progress  and  development. 

There  is  an  interpretation  of  Protestantism 
which  declares  that  this  great  movement  has 
reached  its  culmination  and  accomplished  its  mis- 
sion; that  its  theology,  ethics  and  philosphy  are 
overpast,  and  we  must  look  to-  some  new  social 
and  moral  force  by  which  to  move  the  world 
along.  But  this  is  the  static  interpretation  of  the 
Reformation  which  describes  not  the  forces  in  the 
army  of  progress,  but  only  its  halting-places,  its 
battle-grounds,  its  fortifications,  its  victories  and 
defeats. 

But  the  question  which  interests  us  is  whether 
or  not  the  dynamics  of  the  Reformation  are  still 
in  operation  in  Christian  society,  and  whether  or 
net  they  are  highly  usable  forces  in  the  exigen- 
cies of  modern  life. 

The  Reformation  came  tO'  England  and  Amer- 
ica chiefly  in  the  form  of  Calvinism.  We  are! 
aware,  however,  that  Calvinism  is  not  the  entire 
Reformation,  but  only  a  phase  in  its  development. 
We  can  explain  Calvinism  only  as  we  look  a 
generation  further  back  to  the  work  and  teachings 

[158] 


The  Dynamics  of  Protestantism 

of  lyUther  and  Zwingli.  But  we  may  not  even 
stop  there.  If  Calvinism  had  its  impetus  from 
Lutheranism,  it  is  also  to  be  said  that  Lutheranism 
gained  its  initial  force  from  what  had  gone  be- 
fore. The  difference  between  Luther  and  Calvin 
on  the  one  hand,  and  Wyclif  and  Huss  and 
Jerome  of  Prague  on  the  other,  is  not  enough  to 
explain  why  the  Reformation  came  in  the  six- 
teenth and  not  in  the  fourteenth  century.  The 
real  difference  was  not  in  the  men  or  in  their 
thinking;  it  was  in  the  social  and  religious  life  of 
those  two  centuries.  When  the  earlier  Reformers 
spoke  they  voiced  chiefly  their  own  thoughts. 
When  Luther  and  Calvin  spoke  they  voiced  the 
thought  and  feeling  of  their  own  nations  and  time. 
A  remarkable  change  had  in  the  meantime  come 
over  Europe.  Intellectual  and  moral  forces  had 
been  created  and  set  in  motion,  and  the  success  of 
the  later  Reformers  was  largely  due  to  the  fact 
that  they  gave  direction  to  these  new  forces,  ex- 
pressed them  in  terms  of  religious  thought,  and 
blessed  them  with  lives  singularly  devoted  and 
full  of  good  works. 

The  term  "Protestantism"  is  for  several  reasons 
inadequate  to  describe  the  thing  it  represents.  It 
stands  for  negation,  or  opposition  to  some  estab- 
lished ways  or  forms ;  the  word  has  in  itself  noth- 
ing of  a  constructive  nature  and  is  suggestive  of 
that  which  is  only  temporary.  By  association  and 
interpretation  it  has  come  to  mean  much  more 
than  its  derivation  implies,  but  it  needs  continual 
elucidation  and  description. 

[159] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

As  already  suggested,  Protestantism  is  twofold 
in  its  make-up.  It  is  an  organized  protest  against 
that  which  is  false  and  unreal  in  traditional  teach- 
ing, custom  and  law,  and  is  forceful  even  to 
iconoclasm.  But  its  spirit  is  not  destructive.  It 
abolishes,  only  that  it  may  replace  with  something 
better.  It  destroys,  only  that  it  may  rebuild  on 
larger  lines,  and  it  is  this  characteristic  that  is 
the  essential  one  in  Protestantism.  In  other 
words  Protestantism  is  a  great  impulse  toward 
progress,  a  craving  for  better  things,  and  an  ef- 
fort to  bring  about  changes  in  the  life  and  thought 
of  the  world  that  are  in  accord  with  the  teaching 
of  Christ.  It  is  not  content  with  things  already 
done,  no  matter  how  great  or  important.  It  is 
satisfied  only  in  action.  Protestantism  at  rest  is 
Protestantism  dead.  An  ancient  motto  expresses 
the  spirit  of  this  great  movement  in  a  beautiful 
way : 

"Do  ye  nexte  thynge." 

We  should  make  a  great  mistake  also  if  we 
tried  to  interpret  Protestantism  as  a  movement 
altogether  in  the  realm  of  the  Church.  The 
religious  Reformation  in  Europe  served  as  the 
foremost  expression  of  that  great  impulse  which 
characterized  the  sixteenth  century,  but  not  the 
exclusive  one.  A  great  intellectual  awakening 
had  come  in  between  the  earlier  and  the  later 
Reformers.  The  scholastic  philosophy  was  no 
longer  satisfactory;  there  was  a  longing  for 
[i6o] 


The  Dynamics  of  Protestantism 

expression  in  the  sympathy  felt  for  the  mysticism 
of  Tauler,  for  the  Biblical  teaching  of  Colet, 
More  and  Erasmus.  There  was  also  a  growing 
sense  of  national  life,  which  was  to  lead  ere  long 
to  a  great  social  and  political  change  in  Europe. 
In  fact  every  interest  in  life  responded  to  the 
new  impulse,  and  when  the  Church  Reformers 
took  their  stand  in  the  forefront  of  the  progres- 
sive party,  it  meant  that  the  religious  thought  of 
Protestantism  should  leave  its  stamp  upon  every 
product  of  the  new  culture. 

It  must  be  remembered,  also,  that  the  movement 
described  under  the  name  ' 'Protestantism"  was 
not  confined  in  its  efforts  and  results  to  the  Re- 
formed Church.  It  was  first  a  movement  within 
the  Roman  Church.  As  an  intellectual  move- 
ment it  began  in  Italy,  following  the  advent 
of  Greek  scholars  after  the  fall  of  Constantinople. 
It  took  its  first  form  in  the  Italian  universities, 
and  was  patronized  by  the  popes  themselves.  Pope 
Leo  X,  who  was  on  the  throne  when  Luther 
began  his  reform  work,  was  enthusiastic  in  his 
devotion  to  Greek  learning,  and  established  a  col- 
lege at  Rome  especially  for  the  study  of  the  Greek 
language  and  literature.  Then,  too,  the  first  steps 
in  reform  were  taken  by  men  who  looked  for  a 
moderate  reform  within  the  Roman  Church,  with- 
out schism.  Even  Luther  at  first  so  thought  and 
planned,  and  it  was  only  as  he  was  driven  out  of 
the  old  communion  that  it  occurred  to  him  to 
form  a  new  organization.  Subsequently  when 
[i6i] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

the  Church  had  split  over  the  question  of  limited 
or  extensive  reform,  the  passion  for  moral  and 
spiritual  improvement  was  not  confined  to  the 
more  radical  section.  There  was  a  reform  within 
the  Roman  Church  as  evidenced  among  other 
things  by  the  formation  of  the  Society  of  Jesus, 
with  its  purpose  of  perfect  devotion  to  Christ  and 
conquest  of  the  world  for  him.  And  though  the 
results  are  not  so  apparent  as  in  the  Reformed 
bodies,  owing  to  the  fact  that  little  outward 
change  was  made,  they  were  after  all  just  as  real 
within  their  more  limited  range. 

With  this  view  of  the  larger  Protestantism  be- 
fore us,  we  shall  be  able  more  clearly  to  describe 
the  forces  which  might  be  called  its  dynamic 
principles. 

The  first  great  dynamic  of  Protestantism  is 
the  assertion  of  personality.  Some  kind  of 
philosophy  underlies  every  great  thought-move- 
ment. Some  noble  conception  is  back  of  every 
reform.  Yet  it  would  be  inaccurate  to  say 
that  there  is  a  metaphysic  of  Protestantism  in  any 
definite  systematic  form.  Many  systems  of 
philosophy  might  be  constructed  within  the  field 
of  Protestant  ideas,  according  as  one  principle  or 
another  were  assumed  as  the  starting-point.  But 
from  the  standpoint  of  the  practical,  and  with  the 
religious  purpose  in  view,  we  easily  come  to  the 
great  premise  upon  which  Protestant  thinking  is 
based. 

The  theology  of  Protestantism  is  founded  on  a 

[162] 


The  Dynamics  of  Protestantism 

pure  theism.  Anything  but  a  personal  God  is 
abhorrent  not  only  to  its  thought,  but  also  to  its 
feeling ;  the  whole  heart  and  soul  of  it  is  Jehovah, 
who  enters  into  the  life  of  all  men  as  Creator, 
Spiritual  Father,  Saviour  and  Judge,  the  domi- 
nant personality  of  the  universe.  The  exact  form 
in  which  Calvin  presented  this  thought  we  are  not 
obliged  to  follow.  Some  other  term  than  "de- 
cree" will  describe  for  us  the  powerful,  personal 
way  in  which  God  enters  into  our  lives  and  makes 
his  will  felt  in  the  progress  of  history.  But  the 
real  content  of  our  thought  is  the  same  as  that  of 
Calvin's;  we  only  clothe  it  with  different  lan- 
guage, and  attempt  its  definition  in  the  light  of 
that  added  knowledge  which  modern  science  and 
research  has  brought  to  us. 

In  accordance  with  this  conception  of  God 
there  follows  logically  a  philosophy  of  idealism 
in  some  form,  not  necessarily  absolute,  or  alto- 
gether free  from  a  temporary  dualism,  but  never- 
theless a  practical  philosophy  within  the  reach  of 
the  common  mind;  it  is  idealism  in  the  sense 
that  it  presents  spirit  as  the  first  and  ultimate 
being  and  substance  in  the  universe;  what  we 
term  matter  is  only  a  manifestation  of  spiritual 
thought  and  power.  We  are  taught  to  look  back 
of  matter  for  reality  and  beyond  it  for  life.  We 
thus  find  our  place  in  the  w^orld.  We,  too,  are 
ultimately  spirit,  not  matter,  and  share,  if  we  will, 
in  the  divine  qualities  of  spirit,  holiness  and 
eternity. 

[163^ 


The  Bssenfial  Calvinism 

The  stricter  Protestantism  of  the  Reformed 
Church  insists  most  strenuously  upon  the  prop- 
osition that  each  man  is  his  own  priest,  and  can 
come  into  personal  spiritual  relations  with  the 
Father  Spirit  without  the  intermediation  of  priest 
or  pope.  This  has  given  origin  to  a  strong  doc- 
trine of  individualism  which  is  taught  in  books, 
promulgated  in  constitutions  and  expressed  in 
life.  It  is  one  of  the  great  forceful  things  of 
modern^  life,  so  assertive,  in  fact,  that  we  are  now 
busy  restating  the  principle  in  terms  of  social 
obligation.  The  practical  value  of  this  conception 
is  the  sense  that  it  gives  each  man  a  posses- 
sion and  place  in  God's  world.  From  this  in- 
dividualistic point  of  view,  society  as  an  organiza- 
tion is  seen  to  be  only  a  means  to  an  end,  not  an 
end  in  itself.  Society  exists  as  a  protection  and 
environment  for  individuals,  not  "the  individual," 
nor  some  individuals,  but  all  the  individuals  that 
enter  into  it.  Society  is  the  household  of  men. 
It  is  their  united  will,  their  collective  purpose, 
their  family  dwelling-place,  their  commonwealth ; 
and  the  condition  of  any  nation  is  to  be  judged, 
not  by  the  totality  of  its  wealth  and  power  and 
its  scholarly  productions,  but  by  the  average 
wealth,  the  intellectual  powers,  the  moral  char- 
acter of  all  the  individuals  whO'  are  its  citizens. 
For  society  is  only  individuals,  justly  and  help- 
fully brought  into  relation  to  one  another  through 
birth,  association  and  law. 

Individualism   is   often   treated  as  though   it 

[164] 


The  Dynamics  of  Protestantism 

came  in  conflict  with  social  interests.  This  ap- 
pears to  be  true  oftentimes.  But  a  careful  in- 
vestigation will  reveal  in  such  cases  a  one-sided 
individualism,  an  individualism,  that  is,  of  some 
at  the  expense  of  others,  as  perchance  of  the  rich 
and  strong  as  over  agaijist  the  poor  and  weak. 
But  ^his  is  not  the  true  practise  of  individualism, 
forindividual  rights  mean  common  rights,  uni- 
versal rights,  and  as  far  as  this  subject  goes,  law 
and  freedom  are  interchangeable  terms.  In  the 
real  practise  of  this  principle,  where  each  man  is 
treated  with  justice  and  respect  for  his  person- 
ality, it  will  be  assured  that  not  only  shall  he 
have  equal  rights  before  the  law,  but  also  in  life 
he  shall  have  equivalent  opportunity  with  all  other 
men. 

The  intense  conviction  of  personality,  both 
human  and  divine,  which  is  so  characteristic  of 
Protestantism  leads  to  a  principle  of  ethics.  We 
need  not  stop  to  classify  this  principle  philosophic- 
ally. We  seek  only  the  practical  and  actual  ap- 
plication of  a  great  idea.  Protestantism  places 
its  ethical  emphasis  on  the  will  of  God.  As  God 
is  the  great  personality,  the  ruler  over  all  finite 
personalities  and  the  one  to  whom  responsibility 
is  due,  it  follows  easily  that  men  to  fulfil  moral 
ends  must  do  and  be  what  God  wills  for  them; 
for  the  very  nature  of  morals  involves,  after  a 
provision  for  self-development  and  position,  a 
relation  with  others,  and  because  God  is  greater 
than  all  others,  the  main  moral  relationship  must 

[165] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

be  with  him.  The  moral  man  is  then  the  one 
who  seeks  to  carty  out  God's  will.  We  need  not 
stop  to  consider  whether  the  siimmum  bonum  is 
usefulness,  happiness  or  goodness ;  whatever  it  be, 
the  fulfilment  of  divine  law  or  the  effort  to  that 
fulfilment  will  lead  to  the  highest  good.  The 
ethical  principle  of  Protestantism  is  personal,  not 
formal. 

The  second  dynamic  of  Protestantism  is  the 
assertion  of  the  supremacy  of  reason.  Protestant- 
ism was,  and  is,  an  appeal  to  reason  as  over 
against  tradition  and  authority.  The  Reformers 
generally  were  ever  ready  to  argue  their  positions 
and  were  capable  oi  doing  so.  It  is  true  that 
they  used  the  Bible  as  an  authority  in  place  of  the 
Church.  But  they  reasoned  themselves  to  this 
position  also.  Something  must  represent  God 
and  the  truth.  In  the  Bible  they  found  that 
something;  it  was  a  revelation  of  God  toi  them; 
they  therefore  concluded  that  herein  was  true 
authority,  and  they  set  up  that  authority  as  above 
Church  and  prelate  because  it  seemed  reason- 
able to  do  so. 

It  has  been  charged  against  Protestantism  that 
it  is  essentially  rationalistic  in  its  tendency. 
Whether  this  be  true  or  not  depends  altogether  on 
the  definition  of  rationalism.  If  it  is  taken  in  the 
metaphysical  sense  whereby  a  leading  idea  is 
chosen  as  a  main  assumption,  and  the  universe  is 
reconstructed  according  to^  this  idea  without  re- 
gard to  what  has  taken  place,  or  been  recognized 
[i66] 


The  Dynamics  of  Protestantism 

as  authority  in  the  past,  then  Protestantism  is 
certainly  not  rationahstic.  Protestantism  has  a 
great  reverence  for  the  past  of  men  and  ideas,  a 
reverence,  however,  not  slavish,  nor  blind.  It 
finds  in  former  history  the  working  of  God's 
spirit,  while  it  expects  that  working  to  be  con- 
tinued in  the  future. 

In  two  things  Protestantism  may  be  said  to  be 
rationalistic  in  the  simpler  and  truer  meaning  of 
the  term.  In  the  first  place  it  attempts  to  pass 
judgment  by  careful  reasoning  on  the  worth  of 
things  as  it  finds  them.  This  was  the  first  great 
task  of  the  Reformation.  One  by  one  the  ideas, 
doctrines  and  methods  in  vogue  in  Church  and 
State  were  called  up  before  the  bar  of  reason  and 
pronounced  good  or  bad,  as  they  were  adjudged 
to  be  in  accord  or  not  with  the  principles  of  right- 
eousness and  truth  as  expressed  in  the  Bible,  the 
reasonably  accepted  standard.  There  were  no 
exceptions  made  intentionally.  Everything  was 
challenged,  and  in  so  far  as  they  were  able  and 
had  understanding,  they  let  no  false  word  or 
custom  pass  on  into  future  use. 

In  the  second  place  the  spirit  of  reason  showed 
itself  in  a  progressive  way.  The  Reformation 
was  not  merely  a  court  of  justice,  it  was  also  a 
legislature  and  an  executive.  The  laws  of 
religion,  morals,  politics  and  social  life  were  re- 
stated, and  new  laws  were  enacted  and  promul- 
gated by  a  method  of  constructive  reasoning 
based  on  the  same  principles  of  truth  and  right- 

[  167  ] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

eousness  by  which  they  had  estimated  the  worth 
of  things  past. 

With  a  subHme  faith  these  men  of  reason  set 
out  to  do  the  things  which  the  legislative  mind 
had  formulated  as  ideal,  and  thereby  initiated  the 
second  great  stage  of  the  Reformation,  the  period 
of  reconstruction,  in  which  we  find  laid  the  foun- 
dation of  our  modern  civilization. 

These  two  applications  of  reason  have  been 
continuously  characteristic  of  Protestantism.  It  is 
quite  likely  to  happen  in  this  era  that  the  position 
of  challenge  is  taken  toward  the  new  idea,  so  that 
it  seems  at  times  as  if  Protestantism  shrunk  from 
the  legitimate  results  of  its  own  methods  of 
reasoning.  The  Copernican  astronomy,  the 
teachings  of  Galileo,  the  philosophy  of  evolution, 
the  uniformity  of  natural  law,  the  critical  study 
of  the  Bible  and  other  things  not  so  worthy,  have 
partly  taken  the  place  of  ancient  tradition  as 
the  objects  of  challenge  and  criticism.  It  is 
evident,  nevertheless,  that  Protestantism  has  not 
lost  its  rational  principle,  for  one  by  one  as  these 
new  subjects  have  come  up  for  adjudication  they 
have  found  acceptance  or  rejection,  altogether  or 
in  part,  as  evidence  is  weighed  and  sifted,  as  truth 
comes  more  and  more  to  light,  and  judgment  is 
passed  as  careful  reason  dictates.  And  whenever 
a  great  truth  comes  thus  to  favor,  legislative 
Protestantism  reformulates  its  statement,  promul- 
gates it,  and  makes  it  a  part  of  a  great  world 
program  of  progress  and  enlightenment.  An  ever- 
[i68] 


The  Dynamics  of  Protestantism 

repeated  process  of  challenge,  of  justification  or 
condemnation,  of  careful  reconstruction,  ensures 
to  the  modern  world  that  same  vitality  and  power 
of  development  which  began  in  Europe  with  the 
Renaissance. 

The  third  dynamic  of  Protestantism  Js^  the  as- 
sertion of  freedom.  This  does  not  appear  so 
plainly  on  the  surface  of  things  as  do  some  other 
of  the  great  facts  of  the  Reformation.  When 
thinking  upon  this  subject  our  attention  fixes  itself 
upon  certain  great  heroes  whose  dominant  per- 
sonalities impressed  themselves  very  forcibly 
on  the  thinking  and  Hfe  of  the  time.  These  men 
gathered  about  them  a  large  following  of  those 
who  accepted  their  ideas  in  tot  a  and  so  formed 
schools  of  thought  and  religion  that  became  inter- 
national in  character.  Their  bulk  and  influence 
overshadowed  other  men  and  their  efforts,  and 
their  power  proved  a  temptation  toward  uncharity 
which  they  were  not  able  to  resist.  These  men 
claimed  freedom  to  think  for  themselves,  this  was 
the  important  thing.  That  they  failed  to  extend 
freedom  to  men  who  believed  otherwise  detracts 
from  their  glory,  but  not  from  the  meaning  of 
their  acts.  When  Luther  nailed  his  theses  upon 
the  door  of  the  Castle  church  at  Wittenberg,  the 
thing^was  done  and  could  not  be  undone.  Hence- 
forth men  were  to  think,  not  as  their  superiors 
told  them  to  think,  but  as  their  own  experience 
and  reason  led  them  to  think.  Luther  did  not 
show  charity  to  Anabaptists  and  Zwinglians  be- 

■  :      [169] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

cause  he  could  not  reconcile  their  tenets  with  his 
understanding  of  the  Bible.  But  they  had  only- 
repeated  his  cry.  These  men  also  claimed  liberty 
tojthin^as  they  would,  and  with  them  were  many 
others,  Calvinists,  Covenanters,  Puritans,  Inde- 
pendents, Freethinkers,  men  of  the  utmost  variety 
of  thought  and  belief  made  a  common  claim,  — 
liberty  of  thought,  of  speech  and  of  worship. 

Because  of  this  common  demand  for  freedom, 
even  in  the  face  of  uncharity  and  hatred.  Protes- 
tantism is  to  be  characterized  as  a  movement  for 
freedom  of  thought;  and  it  required  only  the 
passage  of  a  sufficient  amount  of  time  and  the 
suppression  of  an  extreme  class  distrust,  to  make 
the  thing  clear  in  men's  minds  and  a  realized 
thing  in  their  life.  In  the  Protestant  world  to- 
day there  exists  a  freedom  of  thought  and 
opinon  that  is  unlimited.  Conflicting  ideas  and 
theories  are  allowed  full  play,  and  there  is  an 
ever-increasing  faith  that  the  true  idea  will  win 
in  the  end  and  pass  into  life  and  practise. 

And  Protestantism  stands  no  less  for  political 
than  for  religious  freedom.  In  their  formal 
organization  politics  and  religion  are  distinct,  but 
the  thinking  which  is  characteristic  of  religious 
life  will  pass  over  into  political  life.  "No  bishop, 
no  king,"  reasoned  James  I.  Freedom  claimed 
and  won  in  the  realm  of  the  Church  leads  legiti- 
mately to  freedom  also  in  the  State ;  and  a  demo^ 
cratic  Church  leads  inevitably  to  a  democratic 
State.  But  democracy  is  not  simply  the  demand 
[170] 


The  Dynamics  of  Protestantism 

of  each  man  for  self- freedom ;  it  means  also  his 
recognition  of  his  neighbor's  freedom.  A  true 
democracy  is,  then,  a  vital  outcome  of  Protestant- 
ism, applied  or  to  be  applied  to  every  great  public 
human  relation. 

In  our  own  time  the  principle  is  finding  its  ap- 
plication in  the  department  of  industry.  The 
world  has  become  conscious  of  a  new  problem  in 
the  inequitable  distribution  of  wealth,  and  seeks  a 
solution  of  it  in  various  ways.  Two  typical  solu- 
tions are  offered:  the  collective  ownership  and 
administration  of  property  commonly  called  so- 
cialism, and  democracy;  and  with  these  are  other 
solutions  which  combine  features  of  both. 

Generally  speaking,  the  Protestant,  using  this 
term  in  its  widest  sense,  believes  in  democracy 
applied  to  industry  as  well  as  to  Church  and 
State,  and,  as  in  these  twO'  other  departments  of 
public  life  the  foundation  of  government  should 
be  the  people,  so  he  wishes  to  have  the  people 
masters  in  this  department  also. 

He  is  not,  however,  satisfied  with  the  collective 
ownership  of  property  in  all  forms.  He  is  too 
much  of  an  individualist  for  that.  He  wishes  each 
man  to  recognize  the  industrial  right  of  every 
other  man ;  he  wishes  each  man,  at  least  each  able 
man,  to  share  in  the  production  of  wealth,  and  to 
share  in  the  results  of  industrial  effort  according 
to  his  capacity  and  willingness  to  work.  He 
will  seek  his  solution  of  the  problem,  then,  not  in 
taking  away  property  and  making  it  common,  but 

[171] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

in  ensuring  as  far  as  possible  that  wealth  shall  be 
used  for  the  common  good  and  that  every  man 
who  needs  work  shall  have  work,  and  that  under 
the  best  conditions  and  with  equitable  reward. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  will  not  hesitate  to  ask 
those  whom  fortune  has  favored  and  law  pro- 
tected in  the  gaining  of  wealth,  to  share,  in  ways 
legal  and  just  from  the  standpoint  of  the  common 
good,  the  use  of  his  accumulations  with  those  of 
his  fellows  who  have  been  less  fortunate.  And 
he  will  not  hesitate  to  take  such  control  of  organ- 
ized capital  as  will  ensure  honest  administration 
and  fair  treatment  for  the  public.  For  real  free- 
dom, in  industry  as  elsewhere,  is  the  freedom  of 
all.  The  industrial  body,  like  the  body  politic, 
consists  of  individuals,  and  is  to  be  conducted  for 
the  interests  of  the  individuals  who  compose  it 
and  are  to  compose  it ;  and  the  place  of  each  man 
in  the  industrial  world  will  be  best  assured,  not 
by  considering  first  his  material  needs,  but  his 
manhood  rights  as  an  industrial  unit,  which  are 
of  far  more  importance  than  that  he  should  be 
comfortably  housed,  clothed,  fed  and  cared  for  in 
his  old  age.  Manhood  lives  by  possession  and  re- 
sponsibility. A  true  industrial  environment  must 
furnish  him  with  these,  and  that  not  in  an 
indirect  or  indistinct  way,  but  clearly  enough  and 
near  enough  so  that  he  can  see  the  results  of  his 
own  efforts.  The  human  personality  is  the 
ultimate  thing,  not  the  human  body,  and  the  char- 
acter of  men  comes  in  for  consideration  before 
[  172] 


The  Dynamics  of  Protestantism 

their  comfort.  That  man  will  make  the  best 
citizen  and  be  the  person  of  truest  moral  develop- 
ment who  can  say  to  society  not  only,  ''That  is 
yours,"  but  also,  ''This  is  mine."  There  is  some- 
thing in  each  man  which  belongs  to  his  fellows, 
and  there  is  something  which  belongs  to  himself. 
The  proper  apportionment  of  these  two  properties 
furnishes  the  method  of  democratic  government. 
The  fourth  dynamic  of  Protestantism  is  the 
pas^onjLor  improvement.  Were  it  not  for  this 
element,  the  Reformation,  with  its  strong  em- 
phasis on  the  individual  and  his  rights,  would  be 
strangely  overbalanced.  But  as  it  is,  individual- 
ism of  philosophy  is  tempered  by  altruism  of 
practise,  and  the  alloy  thus  formed  is  social 
material  of  the  firmest  and  most  durable.  Luther 
furnishes  in  himself  a  fine  illustration  of  this  com- 
bination. A  man  of  German  birth,  he  had  the 
Teuton's  love  of  freedom,  and  while  a  novice  in 
the  Augustinian  monastery  of  Erfurt  his  religious 
experience  took  the  form  of  a  strong  desire  to  be 
free  from  the  burden  of  guilt.  He  found  no 
relief  in  the  penances  and  prescribed  method  of 
the  monastic  life.  He  confided  his  trouble  to  the 
superior  of  his  order,  who  tried  to  give  a  subjec- 
tive form  to  his  thought  and  experience,  and  with 
some  success ;  but  it  was  not  until  he  found  in  the 
writings  of  Paul  the  doctrine  of  justification  by 
faith  that  he  gained  full  moral  freedom  and  self- 
mastery.  By  this  experience  he  gained  an  impulse 
toward  freedom  in  other  things,  and  went  on 
[173] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

step  by  step,  until  at  last  in  perfect  boldness,  he 
was  ready  tO'  burn  the  pope's  bull  of  excommuni- 
cation which  cut  him  off  from  the  Roman  Church. 
With  this  experience  there  had  come  another 
no  less  vital  and  real.  He  had  encountered  the 
monk  Tetzel  on  his  way  through  Germany  shame- 
lessly vending  indulgences  and  deliverances  from 
purgatory,  and  he  had  spoken  forth  with  the 
wrath  of  condemnation.  He  had  thus  become 
the  champion  of  others,  and  by  so  doing  had  given 
the  cause  of  the  Reformation  a  nobler  objective 
than  that  of  individual  freedom.  From  that  time 
on  it  has  been,  in  spite  of  occasional  halts,  an 
organized  effort  for  world  improvement.  It  at- 
tempts not  only  to  benefit  the  individual  directly 
by  giving  him  special  rights,  but  also  by  making 
his  whole  environment  the  best  and  fairest 
possible.  Home,  church,  school,  government,  busi- 
ness life,  international  relations,  all  become  ob- 
jects of  championship  and  improvement.  There 
is  nothing  in  the  whole  realm  of  human  life  but 
what  this  spirit  of  improvement  seeks  to  affect. 
The  forces  of  individualism  are  but  pioneers  for 
this  altruistic  attempt  at  universal  righteousness 
and  peace. 

It  is  easy  to  fall  into  the  argumentation  of  post 
hoc  ergo  propter  hoc,  and  this  is  particularly  true 
in  dealing  with  historic  subjects.  In  trying  to 
trace  the  historic  effects  of  the  Reformation 
movement  allowance  must  be  made  for  natural 
development;  for  the  due  effect  of  the  New 
[174] 


The  Dynamics  of  Protestantism 

Learning,  by  itself  considered;  for  the  civilizing 
effect  of  the  Roman  Church  upon  western  Europe 
previous  to  the  time  of  the  Reformation ;  for  the 
inherent  qualities  of  the  Teutonic  races;  for  the 
discoveries  of  Columbus  and  other  explorers  and 
the  wonderful  spell  which  these  cast  over  the 
imagination  of  the  people  of  those  days.  But 
when  all  this  has  been  accounted  for,  there  is  left 
much  that  would  have  no  explanation  were  it  not 
for  the  Reformation. 

It  is  to  our  purpose  to  observe  that  some 
European  nations  became  Protestant  and  that 
some  did  not,  and  that  some  felt  the  movement 
more  than  others.  By  noting  any  contrasts 
that  may  thus  become  plain  we  shall  be  able  to 
make  out  more  clearly  the  legitimate  results  of  the 
Reformation.  Great  Britain,  Holland,  Switzer- 
land, Germany  and  Scandinavia  are  easily  classed 
as  Protestant  by  virtue  of  their  participation  in 
the  reform  movement.  There  is  also  another 
nation  which  in  the  writer's  estimation  deserves 
the  name  in  a  large  measure,  i.e.,  France.  It  is 
true  that  a  large  part  of  the  population  of  France 
is  connected  with  the  Roman  Church.  But  it 
must  be  remembered  that  this  country  was  for  a 
long  time  debatable  ground;  that  the  struggle 
there  was  violent,  prolonged  and  widespread,  a 
civil  war  of  religion;  that  thereby  the  subjects  of 
Protestant  thought  became  familiar  to  all  the 
people,  and  though  force  of  arms  and  policy  of 
State  won  the  formal  victory  for  Catholicism,  the 

[175] 


The  Bssential  Calvinism 

ideas  of  Protestantism  found  root  in  the  thinking 
of  the  people,  and  to-day  France,  though  having 
so  large  a  proportion  Catholic,  is  in  some  ways 
more  Protestant  than  Germany.  It  seems  just 
to  include  France  within  the  sway  of  Protestant 
influence  —  it  is  a  democracy ;  it  stands  for  free- 
dom of  thought  and  the  supremacy  of  reason; 
furthermore,  it  has  separated  Church  and  State; 
it  is  intense  in  its  devotion  to  truth  and  is  pre- 
eminently an  intellectual  nation  among  intellectual 
nations. 

Ivittle  Switzerland  among  the  mountains,  shut 
in  by  other  nations,  was  yet  in  the  first  century 
of  the  Reformation  a  primal  force  in  the  new 
movement.  But  as  it  spread  to  more  populous 
countries,  and  to  those  which  had  greater  natural 
advantages,  the  headship  of  Protestantism  was 
taken  away  from  her.  Germany  fought  the 
great  land  battles  of  the  Reformation,  and  at  last 
with  the  help  of  Gustavus  Adolphus  of  Sweden 
won  for  Protestantism  a  sure  place  in  history, 
while  England  and  Holland  for  their  part  wrested 
the  control  of  the  seas  from  Spain;  and  France, 
sympathizing  partly  with  one  and  partly  with  the 
other  cause,  suffered  as  much  as  any  nation,  and 
it  may  be  after  all,  shared  as  much  as  any  in  the 
Reformation,  though  but  half  conscious  of  it.  This 
group  of  nations  with  the  United  States,  the  great 
Protestant  nation  of  America,  have  come  already 
to  be  the  dominating  powers  of  the  world's  life. 
Only  since  the  recent  rise  of  Japan  have  they  had 

[  176  ] 


The  Dynamics  of  Protestantism 

any  real  rivals  except  among  themselves. 
Whether  from  the  standpoint  of  armament,  of 
civilization,  or  of  industry  and  commerce,  their 
position  is  an  assured  one.  Russia  with  its  im- 
mense territory  and  millions  of  population  lags 
behind,  having  not  those  social  forces  which 
Protestantism  provides,  and  China  and  India, 
ancient  and  populous,  look  for  their  inspiration  to 
the  later  peoples  of  the  Occident?  How  much 
has  Protestantism  to  do  with  this? 

We  may  note  first  the  effort  toward  popular 
education  and  the  development  of  science  which 
is  characteristic  of  Protestant  nations.  The  ideal 
of  improvement  is  a  people  generally  educated 
for  the  double  purpose  of  practical  service  and 
the  appreciation  of  life.  But  it  does  not  stop 
here;  the  fuller  knowledge  of  the  truth  and  the 
deeper  mysteries  of  the  world  appeal  to  men 
of  unusual  mental  power,  and  lead  them  to  be 
investigators  and  interpreters  for  the  rest  of 
mankind;  freedom  and  inspiration  they  find  in 
Protestant  environment,  and  their  discoveries 
have  introduced  a  new  era  in  human  life.  The 
child  is  now  taught  that  which  was  a  mystery 
to  the  wise  man  of  old,  and  the  common 
man  is  the  intellectual  superior  of  ancient  nobles 
and  kings.  We  live  in  a  changed  world. 
Telescope,  microscope  and  crucible  in  the  hands 
of  scientifically  trained  men  have  opened 
the  windows  of  truth  to  us  and  we  look  out  upon 
a  vast  universe  of  law  and  order,  wisdom  and 
[  177] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

power,  wonderful,  awe-inspiring,  God-revealing. 
And  we  observe  that  the  men  whose  names  are 
great  in  this  department  of  human  effort  belong 
to  nations  that  have  felt  the  impulse  of  Protes- 
tantism. 

Along  with  this  development  of  science  goes 
in  a  practical  way  the  parallel  progress  of  inven- 
tion.     It    would    require    a    volume    simply    to 
catalog    the    useful    inventions    that    have   been 
made  since  Gutenburg  turned  off  from  his  type 
the  first  printed  page  of  the  Bible.       Mechanism 
has    changed    the    whole    world    of    economics, 
largely  altering  the  form  of  human  society,  in- 
volving  new    relations   and   bringing   new    con- 
ditions.    More  than  this,  it  has  given  privileges 
and  comforts  to  the  common  people  which  were 
once    the    prerogatives    of    kings.     For   a  day's 
wages  a  man  may  travel  a  hundred  miles  in  a 
finer  coach  than  was  ever  possessed  by  a  Roman 
emperor.     By  careful  savings  he  may  build  him 
a  house  possessing  comforts  that  King  Solomon 
never  dreamed  of,  while  for  a  penny  or  two  the 
newsboy  hands  him  a  paper  which  tells  him  more 
of  the  world's  life  than  Ben-hadad  could  learn 
from  a  thousand  couriers,  and  the  result  of  a 
week's  labor  will  purchase  more  literature  than 
the  richest  homes  possessed  in  the  times  of  Queen 
Elizabeth.       As  we  enumerate  the  more  notable 
of  these  inventions,  the  steam  engine  in  all  its  ap- 
plications,  the  dynamo,  the  telegraph,  the  tele- 
phone, the  ocean  cable,  machinery  for  textile  and 

[178] 


The  Dynamics  of  Protestantism 

other  manufacture,  we  are  struck  by  the  fact  that 
these  things  had  their  beginnings  in  Protestant 
nations. 

No  less  striking  is  the  ameHoration  which  has 
taken  place,  and  is  still  taking  place,  in  the  social 
structure  of  the  nations.  The  Genevan  republic 
of  Calvin's  time  was  an  anomaly.  To-day  all 
European  nations  have  their  parliaments,  even 
Russia  and  Turkey.  Democracy  is  to  be  traced 
in  its  progress  down  the  current  of  history 
from  Geneva  to  Holland,  Scotland,  England  and 
America,  and  thence  by  example  and  reaction 
back  to  France  and  the  rest  of  Europe  and  the 
world,  until  in  our  day  it  has  become  the  political 
ideal  of  all  races.  But  the  form  of  democratic 
government  serves  only  as  an  opportunity  for  the 
activities  of  an  honest  citizenship.  A  republic 
cannot  be  maintained,  except  in  form,  unless  its 
common  citizens  are  trustworthy  and  intelligent. 
This  is  the  improvement  that  Protestantism  would 
bring  to  every  nation,  that  the  character  of  its 
people  should  be  such  as  to  ensure  freedom  and 
fair  dealing,  without  regard  to  who  the  rulers 
may  be,  or  what  governmental  form  they  are 
organized  under.  This  is  the  real  democracy, 
and  there  is  no  other. 

One  of  the  noteworthy  things  of  our  American 
republic  is  the  system  of  credit.  An  enormous 
amount  of  business  is  done  in  trust  and  honestly 
done.  Positions  of  great  authority  and  trust  are 
filled  by  men  of  true  patriotism  and  solid  integrity. 
[  179] 


The  Bssential  Calvinism 

National  interests  are  jealously  guarded,  and 
national  reforms  bravely  and  unselfishly  led,  and 
in  the  background  is  the  great  body  of  the  people 
who  trust  and  are  trusted.  An  occasionally  dis- 
covered culprit  in  office,  an  occasional  embezzler 
brought  to  justice,  only  serve  to  call  attention  to 
the  fact  of  common  honesty  among  the  American 
people. 

Not  so  distinctive  a  statement  can  be  made  in 
regard  to  literature  in  the  highest  sense  of  the 
word.  Yet  on  this  subject  there  is  something  to 
be  said.  We  easily  recall  such  great  names  as 
Shakespeare  and  Milton,  but  not  in  these  men  and 
their  writings  do  we  find  the  most  significant 
facts.  All  great  eras  have  had  their  literary 
great  men.  Protestantism  has  something  which 
these  other  movements  did  not  possess  —  a  vast 
and  wonderfully  varied  literary  product  which 
ranks  in  quality  close  to  the  work  of  genius,  not 
quite  possessing  such  distinctive  merit,  but  having 
a  readability  which  the  products  of  genius 
often  do  not  have,  and  producing  a  far  greater 
effect  because  it  places  in  the  hands  of  the  people 
at  large  the  interesting  facts  of  the  great  world 
of  life  and  imagination  in  a  form  which  they  can 
easily  understand.  Finer  literature  the  Greeks 
no  doubt  had,  perhaps  also'  the  Romans,  but  such 
a  wealth  and  variety,  such  a  fountain  of  helpful 
and  accessible  knowledge  and  sentiment  never 
existed  before.  The  book,  the  magazine,  the 
newspaper  in  the  hands  of  the  people  from  in- 
[  i8o  ] 


The  Dynamics  of  Protestantism 

fancy  to  failing  age  make  effective  the  dream  of 
Calvin,  who  asked  for  schools  that  the  common 
people  might  be  able  to  read  for  themselves  the 
words  of  the  sacred  Scriptures. 

All  these  great  things,  however,  pale  in  com- 
parison with  the  chief  characteristic  of  Protest- 
antism, that  wonderful  spiritual  and  moral  pas- 
sion upon  which  all  else  depends,  that  intense 
longing  for  the  will  of  God  to  be  done  on  earth  as 
it  is  in  heaven,  which  leads  men  into  willing  sacri- 
fice and  suffering  for  the  sake  of  others'  redemp- 
tion, and  which  is  the  modern  counterpart  of  the 
passion  of  Christ  and  the  apostles  —  the  same 
whether  found  in  Savonarola  or  Luther,  Xavier 
or  Dober,  Father  Marquette  or  William  Carey. 

The^upreme^  concern  of  real  Protestantism  is 
the  moral  reform  and  deyelopment  of  mankind. 
It  asks  for  a  personal,  vital  religious  experience 
in  every  man,  and  seeks  to  call  this  forth  by  some 
form  of  evangelism.  It  claims  for  itself  the 
name  ''Evangelical,"  and  at  home  and  abroad 
endeavors  to  call  the  attention  of  men  to  the 
heinousness  of  sin  and  the  glory  of  the  spiritual 
life.  The  evangelical  teaching  Avas  at  first  mis- 
applied by  some  who  would  turn  liberty  into 
license,  but  the  personal  appeal  to  men  to  conform 
their  lives  to  the  gospel  teaching  met  with  general 
response.  Results  Avere  soon  manifest  in  the 
change  of  life  and  character.  Protestants  were 
promptly  recognized,  and  often  ridiculed,  as  pos- 
sessing to  a  marked  degree  an  independent  moral 
[i8i] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

life.  The  Lutherans,  the  Genevese,  the  Hugue- 
nots, the  Hollanders,  the  Scotch  Covenanters,  the 
English  Puritans  won  distinction  for  their  moral 
worth  and  stability.  Before  their  acceptance 
of  evangelical  doctrines  and  ideals,  they  were  in 
no  way  differentiated  from  their  fellows.  This 
result  had  a  definite  cause;  the  demand  for  a 
nobler  ideal  of  Christian  living-  brought  intO'  exist- 
ence a  new  type  of  manhood.  Under  this  type 
a  man  lives  a  life  in  which  truth  is  the  great 
authority  and  love  the  great  fulfilment.  He  obeys 
the  law,  not  because  he  fears  the  magistrate,  but 
because  he  sees  the  reasonableness  of  so  doing. 
He  gives  tO'  the  Church  and  for  benevolent  ob- 
jects much  of  his  time  and  money,  not  under  any 
threat,  but  out  of  a  sense  of  duty  and  service.  He 
lives  the  moral  and  religious  life,  not  because 
Church  or  custom  obliges  him  to  do  so,  but  be- 
cause he  realizes  that  in  so  living  he  is  in  harmony 
with  the  truth  of  God,  and  he  considers  himself 
not  as  a  man  separated  from  the  rest  of  the  world 
through  his  spiritual  devotion,  but  rather  as  an 
integral  part  of  that  life,  sharing  and  partaking 
in  every  way  with  those  in  the  world  round  about 
him. 

The  attempt  to  improve  the  Church  has  resulted 
most  generally  in  the  adoption  of  some  form  of 
autonomy.  The  Protestant  churches  are,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  State  churches,  self-manag- 
ing institutions,  independent  of  the  civil  govern- 
ment, and  with  a  republican  form  of  government. 

[I82] 


The  Dynamics  of  Protestantism 

But  the  essential  thing  is  not  form.     The  typical 
Protestant  church  is  a  new  creation.     It  begins 
with  the  idea  that  the  local  church  is  an  associa- 
tion of  Christian  believers  joined  together  by  a 
covenant  of  brotherhood  and  service,  and  it  ends 
with  the  conception  of  the  Church  as  an  institu- 
tion    for    the    moral    betterment   of   humanity 
through   the   proclamation   of    the    gospel,     its 
brotherhood  life,  and  the  effort  to  redeem    the 
spiritually  unfit.       As  a  local  institution,  it  seeks 
to  be  a  family  of  the  children  of  God  in  which  all 
are  equal,  except  as  some  are  more  fit  to  lead  and 
hold  office;  but  even  here  the  responsibility  is  dif- 
fused    among    the     general     membership,     and 
authority  exists  only  as  delegated  to  some  of  their 
own  number. 

As  a  world  organization,  it  is  a  spiritual  re- 
public made  up  of  smaller  bodies  federated  by  a 
common  purpose,  and  aims  at  nothing  less  that 
the  conquest  of  the  whole  world  for  Christ. 

The  century  which  saw  the  first  American  effort 
to  evangelize  the  Orient  is  just  now  coming  to  a 
close.  These  one  hundred  years  form  the  most 
glorious  period  of  modern  religious  history.  The 
Christ  ideal  of  a  world-wide  spiritual  kingdom 
has  once  more  been  enunciated,  and  a  most  noble 
effort  has  been  made  to  make  that  ideal  effectual. 
Consecrated  men  and  women  have  been  sent  to 
every  part  of  the  world.  Scarce  a  language  now 
exists  into  which  the  story  of  Christ  has  not  been 
rendered,  and  there  is  no  country  but  feels 
[183] 


The  Essential  Calvinism 

the  force  of  Christian  influence,  or  in  which  the 
nucleus  of  a  native  Christian  church  has  not 
already  been  formed.  Among  those  who  have 
gone  forth  under  the  impulse  of  this  great  altru- 
istic movement  have  been  some  of  the  most 
notable  men  of  modern  history,  men  in  character 
godlike,  in  moral  power  heroic,  and  in  effective- 
ness commanders-in-chief  and  builders  of  nations. 
The  faith  of  these  men  is  magnificent.  The  daring 
with  which  they  throw  themselves  into  the  conflict 
is  wonderful  and  their  personal  effect  on  the  prog- 
ress of  civilization  and  moral  enlightenment  ranks 
them  with  the  great  heroes  of  the  Reformation, 
even  with  the  prophets  and  apostles.  Their  power 
has  exceeded  that  of  the  armies  and  navies  of  the 
world,  their  influence  is  greater  than  international 
treaties.  They  have  exhibited  in  themselves  the 
highest  type  of  manhood,  the  highest  power  of 
moral  influence,  the  most  consecrated  service. 
With  these  spiritual  weapons  they  fight  and  win. 
The  gospel  of  Jesus  was  inducted  into  an  em- 
pire of  force,  but  it  was  in  its  essence  the  con- 
tradiction of  force.  When  his  over-enthusiastic 
followers  would  take  him  and  make  him  king 
through  force,  he  repudiated  them.  He  came  as 
the  minister  of  something  superior  to  force,  some- 
thing that  in  his  plan  was  to  take  the  place  of 
force.  Paul  puts  it  intO'  a  mottoi  of  personal  con- 
viction and  expression.  "The  love  of  Christ  con- 
straineth  us/'  The  gospel  is  the  substitution  of 
love  constraint  for  force. 

[184] 


The  Dynamics  of  Protestantism 

The  Reformation  was  the  reassertion  of  this 
main  principle  of  the  gospel.  It  found  the  world 
once  again  in  the  clutches  of  force,  and  set  to 
work  to  redeem  it.  Reason  and  the  moral  law 
the  Reformers  would  substitute  for  authority  and 
force,  duty  in  place  of  fear,  love  in  place  of  law, 
brotherhood  and  equality  in  place  of  class  division 
and  hatred.  Men  were  to  be  trusted  as  God's 
children  with  the  truth  of  God;  as  responsible 
beings  they  were  to  be  given  freedom  of  thought, 
of  worship,  of  action;  they  were  to  be  respected 
as  moral  persons,  that  being  respected  they  might 
have  reason  to  respond  to  moral  motives  and 
come  to  rule  themselves  through  the  realization 
of  love  and  duty.  Only  the  man  who  refused  to 
rule  himself  should  be  ruled  by  force.  Force 
enters  not  into  the  life  of  the  man  who  follows 
the  constraint  of  love  and  duty. 

But  the  mission  of  Protestantism  has  not  yet 
been  fulfilled;  it  will  not  be  for  years  to  come. 
The  work  which  the  Reformers  began  we  are  con- 
tinuing, and  the  foundation  of  universal  brother- 
hood has  been  laid.  The  vision  of  world-wide 
peace  may  come  to  us  with  greater  historic  force 
than  it  came  to  the  prophet  Isaiah,  for  we  can  see 
the  beginning  of  the  end.  We  can  see  in  action 
everywhere  those  forces  which  are  to  bring  about 
the  divine  consummation  of  history,  for  we  hear 
of  those  in  every  nation  under  heaven  who  in 
swiftly  increasing  numbers  have  learned  with 
Paul  to  say  and  live, 

"'The  TwOve  01^  Christ  constraineth  us."' 
[185] 


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